last years, prevented him from making the motion he at first intended to submit to the House, which was to double the sum proposed to be voted for lord Wellington, besides a monument to be erected in the country which gave him birth, he meant Ireland, for he was Ireland's pride and England's hope. It was cruel to impose titles on men who had served their country, without at the same time giving them the means of supporting them. He was now a marquis: he might next be made a duke, without the means of supporting those high dignities. It was a maiden grant, and ought to be vigorously executed (a laugh.) We should have in this metropolis a Wellington-house, as well as a Marlborough-house, and he should give his most hearty assent to a proposition for such an object. Mr. Protheroe, in a maiden speech, said he should not follow the noble lord, or the hon. baronet, through the military details into which they had entered; but he must say, that he thought the hon. baronet had been guilty of the indiscretion which he unfoundedly charged on the marquis of Wellington-he had made an attack where there was no breach. Had the hon. baronet considered the subject with more deliberation, he must have seen, that there might be such a thing as a bold advance without rashness, and a skilful retreat without disgrace. He thought the House should cheerfully agree to the Message of the Prince Regent. Even posthumous honours were useful, and were paid to the immortal lord Nelson, as a stimulus to naval exertion: but with how much greater satisfaction should we be struck, if we could see the Nelson of the army, the man whose name, like his, might become the common appellative of a hero,-living among us, and reaping the honours due to his services, in the munifificence, the admiration, and affection of his countrymen? He hoped that nothing would interfere to detract from that munificence, and to diminish that admiring affection. The hon. baronet had alluded to the distresses of the country; but, although he thought himself as well acquainted with them, at least with the mercantile distresses, as the hon. baronet, he should not enter on the topic at present, as a fitter time would by and bye occur for that discussion: he felt as deeply for them, and wished as ardently to relieve them, as any of those persons who most indulged in lamentations over them; yet he thought, with respect to those distresses, that there was a time to speak of them, and a time to forbear. And he was sure, that the commercial interests of the country would feel indignant, were they to hear that their distresses stood in the way of the munificence of parliament. Instead of looking upon these distresses as a reason for a small or inadequate remuneration to lord Wellington, he would recom mend to his Majesty's ministers a rigid economy in the several departments of the state and in the public expenditure, and this was the source from which he thought that a well-timed generosity might most effectually arise. By an union of the one and other, this would not only be a great and a powerful, but a prosperous, an united, and a happy nation. Lord Cochrane expressed his regret, that instead of internal warfare, a system of external annoyance was not adopted, which, he contended, would be productive of the greatest advantages to the country, and would not only be more serviceable to the cause of Russia, but would enable government to dictate terms of peace to Buonaparté. This the noble lord thought so plain, as to preclude the necessity of demonstration. He concluded by assenting to the motion, as he was convinced that lord Wellington had done every thing which he could possibly have done, under all the circumstances in which he was placed. Mr. Whitbread had had the misfortune to differ heretofore with a majority of the House, both with respect to the merits and services of lord Wellington, and the remuneration which was bestowed upon them. With respect, however, to the grant which was now proposed, it met with his entire approbation. By acceding to this vote, he did not conceive that he was expressing any opinion with respect to the situation of things in Spain: he at present wished to be considered as having consented to the vote merely in conside ration of lord Wellington's own merits. If he had differed in opinion with others when the thanks of the House were asked for lord Wellington after the battle of Talavera, it was not because he did not think that the battle of Talavera was a great affair, but because he thought that lord Wellington had got his army into a great scrape, and that his army had fought bravely and extricated him. But he did not wish now to repeat what he had thought or said on former occasions. He tained. He had beaten Marmont, Massena, and the pretended king of Spain; and he thought that by the taking of Madrid he would rouse that spirit in the Spaniards, which then lay dormant, and which is still latent. He hoped that they would begin to do better than they had formerly done. He afterwards advanced and commenced the siege of Burgos, and during that advance he believed that general Clausel had shewn himself a worthy antagonist. In the siege of Burgos he had certainly failed,-not because he had not made both breaches and assaults;-for, from the account of the gallant Dubreton himself, which he had that day seen in the newspaper, it appeared that no fewer than five breaches and assaults had been made, was not a military man; and when he was called on in his place to decide on the merits of military men, it was his duty to give the best opinion which he could form under all the circumstances of the case. It was the less to be wondered at that he had not formed a correct estimate of the merits of lord Wellington at that time, as his plan had not developed itself till the first retreat of marshal Massena, which led to operations at last terminating in the battle of Salamanca. By this developement he had stamped his character as a great general. The operations of both the French and the English generals were masterly. It had been acknowledged by lord Wellington, that he had never seen a more masterly retreat than Massena's; and the emperor of the French was understood to have been well pleased with that retreat. It had in particular been recorded of the part which marshal Ney had had in that affair, that it was one of the most meritorious military retreats ever known. With respect to the sieges of Ciudad Rodrigo, Badajoz and Burgos, never was more consummate valour and desperate courage shewn than on these occasions. At the siege of Badajoz, Philippon, and his brave troops, did every thing it was possible for men to do, before surrendering; but by the masterly conduct of the British, and in a particular manner by the efforts made by general Picton, that important fortress fell into the hands of lord Wellington. In war, the commander who attempted such daring achievements as these had only to show that they had succeeded to justify the undertaking them. He must pity the brave men who fell in the siege of Ciudad Rodrigo; but my lord Wellington had succeeded in that undertaking; and by that noble daring he had saved many lives which would have been lost at other places, so that the waste of lives during the whole campaign was on that account less than if that siege had not taken place. The plan of lord Wellington had been brought to a close, at the battle of Salamanca. He believed he had never intended to fight that battle; he was then in full retreat, and determined to continue that retreat. The most skilful manoeuvring took place on both sides for two days, till at the last an opportunity was given him, by the fault of the French general, which led to the victory. The pursuit of the French was carried on for some time, and at last abandoned. Its object was the liberation of Madrid, and that object had been at but because these breaches and assaults had all been successfully withstood. An hon. gentleman who had spoken before him, and who always spoke well on every question (Mr. Robinson), took off from the merit of lord Wellington, by not stating the case as it exactly was. Whether the siege of Burgos was proper or not was a military question, which it was not for him to decide; but he was bound to suppose that lord Wellington had good reasons for the siege. After what he had seen, he thought it was no wonder if he expected to make up in celerity what he wanted in strength. He certainly had in the course of this campaign afforded Spain a great opportunity of making exertions in its own cause. He could not agree with the noble lord in the soliloquy which he, the other night, put into the mouth of that gallant commander, beginning with " My great genius ;" but he believed that the noble lord had conducted the campaign with considerable military skill; and it appeared by intercepted communications and other channels of information, that the French marshals themselves, entertained an high opinion of his lordship's military skill, from the manner in which he conducted his retreating army across the Agueda. He was convinced that the House and the country at large, were fully sensible that lord Wellington had performed great military ser vices; and if the crown thought proper to reward them with the honour of a marquisate, the House and the public would think it right to vote him immediately the means of supporting that dignity, without waiting for the discussion of what might be spared from indirect and precarious funds, the application of which might splendid or too generous. No man who looked back at what our military policy was some time ago, and compared it with our present views and character, but must see that through the success and merits of lord Wellington we had become a military people, and that by a series of achievements, each rising above the other in grandeur, he had, although yet in the youth of his glory, acquired for himself a renown equal to that of the first captain of his age. When the House looked back to that period at which our warlike preparations were confined to plans of fortifying the Thames instead of driving the enemy beyond the Tormes and the Ebro, they could not fail, not merely to recog form a subject of distinct consideration on a future occasion. He did not like the comparisons which had been made between the noble lord and the duke of Marlborough. Each of those illustrious commanders had sufficient merits of their own, upon which their fame might rest; but since the comparison had been made, he would say, that it was precisely upon pecuniary points that the character of the duke of Marlborough was vulnerable; whereas upon those points the disinterestedness of lord Wellington was perfectly known; and in those points he was a truly meritorious servant of the public. We were told that some great statesmen were somewhere to be found who would have done a great deal more in the penin-nise in lord Wellington the decus et tosula, if they had been in office. He did not wish to see those conjurors in office, as he thought that the resources of the country were already strained as far as they would bear in the prosecution of the war. The right hon. the Chancellor of the Exche-wielded the thunder of his native land, quer had, in his defence of ministers, told the House, the other night, that they had spent upwards of eleven millions on this war, in the course of the last eleven months. Now as he was sure that every thing confided to lord Wellington had been employed with judgment, he thought a vote of 100,000l. not too much to reward his great services. He, therefore, entirely concurred in the grant of the sum proposed, and thought that it should be given by a direct vote. Mr. Canning declared, that he should deem it an encroachment upon the time and a waste of the attention of the House, if after the opinions expressed and the military criticisms delivered on this occasion, he were to attempt to do more than to state how fully he participated in the admiration felt at lord Wellington's achievements, and in a sense of the justness of that remuneration which had been proposed. He was inclined to concur most cordially with the proposition, not only on those grounds which had been adverted to, particularly by an hon. gentleman (Mr. Protheroe) who formed one example of the acquisitions which the new parliament had made, but on others of a more general nature. He concurred in it from a feeling, that we had within the last few years raised ourselves to the same equality at land, more than which we had possessed at sea, and that to the individual to whom we owed this augmentation of glory and advantage, no remuneration could be too tamen patriæ,' as one who had not merely formed a school in which others might be taught to succeed and follow him in his career of glory, but to perceive in him at the same time the hero, who, whilst he was the tutelar genius of allied and dependent states, the protector of oppressed and prostrate powers. The picture which history would trace, for the instruction of posterity, would unite, therefore, with the figure of the successful commander, the attributes of a benevolent spirit, extending a guardian influence over recovering, though fallen nations. All must admit, that by the exertion in Spain, Europe had been enabled to reflect on her condition; and when Buonaparté's situation, though perhaps not irretrievable, was contemplated, we had not only evidence of this, but an illustration of the different principles on which the war was conducted. Lord Wellington advancing to the succour and liberation of Spain-Buonaparté marching to the devastation of Russia, exhibited striking examples of the different objects by which the two empires were directed in their mutual hostility. At such a moment, when Expectation sits in the air And hides a sword from hilt unto the point, With crowns, imperial crowns and coronetsit might not be useless to compare the rewards which Buonaparté was anticipating from conquest and desolation, with those pure enjoyments which lord Wellington sought for in the acknowledgments of a benefited and grateful country. An hon. baronet had expressed a wish that the sum proposed to be voted should be taken from other funds. For his own part he was confident that the people would feel de could be brought with safety before the barristers, without, in case of escape, sub frauded, were they to be deprived of the opportunity of doing justice to their great commander, and if the House were to at-jecting the gaolers to responsibility; be tempt to scrape up a provision out of the sides, there was another material defect, leavings of obscure and secret funds, he for after the barristers had inquired, which felt that they ought not to pollute the vote, they had done by going themselves to by seeming to apologise for the gratitude each of the prisons in the metropolis, they evinced, or by endeavouring to show they had reported to their respective that they were grateful at no expence. courts the result of their examinations; He rather hoped that they would be and yet no direction was given how the anxious to show, that as the crown had discharge was to be made out. Under run before them in one instance, they these circumstances, it was necessary to were resolved to keep pace with its wishes apply to the legislature, and the Bill which in another. He understood it was pro- he held in his hand was calculated to reposed to lay out the 100,000l. in the pur-medy these defects. It provided, that the chase of lands to be attached to the title of Wellington. Now, lord Wellington's children were all sons, but they might have only female issue. He presumed that it was not intended the title should fail in that case. He thought it necessary not only that the immediate descendants of such a man should be provided for, but that the grant of that night should insure to their posterity that result which EngJishmen could not but wish to see,-as a lasting monument to the memory of their great ancestor. Lord Castlereagh observed, that matter would come to be considered in the Bill. It was the wish of ministers that the grant should be made on the most liberal principles. Sir F. Burdett's Amendment was then put and negatived without a division. After which the original Resolution was agreed to. HOUSE OF LORDS. The Tuesday, December 8. INSOLVENT DEBTORS' AMENDMENT BILL.] Lord Ellenborough, in presenting this Bill to their lordships' consideration, took occasion to remark, that the Insolvent Debtors' Act of last session had contained a clause, extending relief to debtors confined for sums exceeding 2,000l., but great doubt and difficulty had arisen in attempting to carry this clause into execution. provisions of that part of the act directed, that a barrister of each court should be appointed, under the chief justices and the chief baron, to meet and examine into the respective cases of those who intended to take the benefit. But this clause having been added to the Bill, had subjected its execution to considerable deficiency. One omission was, that no power or direction was given, whereby these prisoners barristers should have more ample power; that a warrant might be issued under their hands, authorising the gaolers to bring before them the prisoners described; it also provided, that the barristers might administer the necessary oath, which was left unexpressed in the former act; and further directed the investment of the prisoners' property in the hands of the clerk of the peace of the county, for the benefit of their creditors. Another provision was, that the decision of the barristers should be final. With respect to the bringing up of prisoners not confined in the gaols of the metropolis, it was directed they should be brought up by application for a Habeas Corpus to one of the judges of the Court. The noble and learned lord having stated the nature of this Bill, moved that it now be read a first time.The Bill was accordingly read the first time. HOUSE OF COMMONS. Tuesday, December 8. PETITION AGAINST THE CATHOLIC CLAIMS, FROM THE UNIVERSITY OF CAMBRIDGE.] Lord Palmerston presented a Petition from the chancellor, masters, and scholars of the University of Cambridge, against the Claims of the Roman Catholics. His lordship observed, that an idea having gone forth that this Petition had been framed and determined upon, without the usual notice for non-residents to attend the convocation, he thought it proper to state, that a notice of six days had been given, which exceeded by three days that which was given on ordinary occasions.The Petition was then read, setting forth, "That the petitioners understand, with great anxiety, that a Bill is soon to be offered to the House for the removal of the restrictions which are imposed by law on qualified repeal of those laws on which the remaining Catholic disabilities depend, would be inconsistent with the spirit and safety of the British constitution, and the laws which have been enacted for the se blished religion, particularly the Act of Settlement, whereby the crown is limited to his present Majesty's illustrious House, which act secures our religion, laws, and liberties, and which the statute declares to be the birthright of the people of England and that the petitioners therefore watch with jealousy those bold demands which aim to subvert our guardian securities, and humbly pray, that the House in its wisdom will deem it expedient to defer the consideration of this great question till the Roman Catholics urge claims with that temper and moderation which would best become their appeal to the highest autho those who profess the Roman Catholic religion in these realms; and that the petitioners are fully convinced that the control of any foreign power implied in such Bill over the government of this country either in Church or State, is not only in-curity and defence of the Protestant estaconsistent with the form of our constitution, as established at the Revolution, but moreover, by destroying the independency of our Church and nation, is contrary to the first principles of all civil government; and that the power of the Pope, though for various reasons diminished in the public estimation, is notwithstanding more to be dreaded by us now than ever, being itself brought under the control, and, if occasion should offer, likely to become the dangerous instrument, of a foreign and inveterate enemy; and that the petitioners are the more confirmed in the apprehensions of foreign interference, by observing that, notwithstanding all the con-rity of the state." cessions made of late years by our legislature in favour of the Roman Catholics, yet the tenets of their Church have admitted of no relaxation, but continue the same as ever, particularly those the most obnoxious and dangerous, of still advancing and maintaining the supremacy of the Pope, in all spiritual matters, above the supremacy of our own sovereign; and that the petitioners, as becomes a Protestant University, have never been adverse to the rights of toleration or liberty of conscience, to which they are and have been most sincere well wishers; but they are most seriously alarmed at the idea entertained of admitting Roman Catholics to legislate for a Protestant Church, to which, as we have thus seen, they are from principle and systematically hostile; and praying, that no such Bill may pass into a law." PETITION AGAINST THE CATHOLIC CLAIMS, FROM THE BOROUGH OF GRANTHAM.] A Petition of the aldermen, recorder, comburgesses, and burgesses of the borough of Grantham, in the county of Lincoln, and inhabitants of the said borough, and the soke and vicinity thereof, was also presented and read; setting forth, "That although the petitioners entertain towards the Roman Catholics no spirit of intolerance, no desire of dominion, yet it is their firm opinion that, in unqualified concession, the constitution is exposed to a new, an untried, and a great danger; and that the petitioners consider the un The said Petitions were ordered to lie upon the table. GALWAY ELECTION-PETITION OF JOHN JOYCE AND OTHERS.] A Petition of John Joyce, Pat. M. Lynch, John Lynch, Alex. Nicholas Browne, James Finn, and John French Madden, was read; setting forth, That, at the late general election for the town and county of the town of Galway, Valentine Blake of Menlo, in the county of said town, was a candidate to represent the said town and county of the town of Galway in parliament; and on that occasion, the hon. Frederick Ponsonby was also a candidate for the like purpose; and that, by virtue of divers charters, there exists in the town of Galway, which is and was a great town in the reign of Henry the 7th, a corporation known by the name of the mayor, sheriffs, free bur gesses, and commonalty of the town and County of the town of Galway; and that the right of election is vested in the freeholders thereof, and also in the freemen of the said corporation of said town when lawfully admitted and duly qualified to vote on such elections, the said freemen being a component part of the commonalty of the said corporation; and that the said election, which commenced on the 16th, continued from day to day until the 31st of October last, during which period certain voters, to the number of 159 freemen and freeholders, duly qualified, voted for the said V. Blake, and certain persons, to the number of 311, were permitted by the |