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Resolved-That the preceding Constitution be laid before the United States in Congress assembled, and that it is the opinion of this Convention, that it should af terwards be submitted to a Convention of Delegates, chosen in each State by the people thereof, under the recommendation of its Legislature, for their assent and ratification, and that each Convention assenting to, and ratifying the same, should give notice thereof to the United States in Congress assembled.

under the Confederation.--This Constitu-ginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, and tion, and the laws of the United States Georgia : which shall be made in pursuance thereof; and all treaties made, or which shall be made, under the authority of the United States, shall be the supreme law of the land; and the judges in every State shall be bound thereby; any thing in the Constitution or laws of any State to the contrary notwithstanding. The Senators and Representatives before mentioned, and the members of the several State legislatures, and all executive and judicial officers, both of the United States and of the several States, shall be bound by oath or affirmation to support this Constitution; but no religious test shall ever be required as a qualification to any office or public trust

ander the United States.

Article VII.

The ratification of the Conventions of ine States, shall be sufficient for the establishment of this Constitution between the States so ratifying the same.

Resolved, That it is the opinion of this Convention, that as soon as the Conventions of nine States shall have ratified this Constitution, the United States in Congress assembled should fix a day on which electors should be appointed by the States and a which shall have ratified the same, day on which the electors should assemble to vote for the President, and the time and place for commencing proceedings under Done in Convention, by the unanimous con- this Constitution. That after such publi sent of the States present, the seven-cation the electors should be appointed, and teenth day of September, in the year of the Senators and Representatives elected. our Lord one thousand seven hundred That the electors should meet on the day and eighty-seven, and of the Indepen-fixed for the election of the President, and dence of the United States of America the twelfth. In witness whereof we have hereunto subscribed our names. EORGE WASHINGTON, President and Deputy from Virginia.

New Hampshire. John Langdon, Nicholas Gilman.

Massachusetts. Nathaniel Gorham, Rufus King.

Connecticut. Wm. Sam. Johnson, Roger Sherman.

New York.

Alexander Hamilton.

New Jersey.

William Livingston,
David Brearly,
William Patterson,
Jonathan Dayton.
Pensylvania.

Benjamin Franklin,
Thomas Mifflin,
Robert Morris,
George Clymer,

Thomas Fitzsimons,
Jared Ingersol,
James Wilson,
Gouverneur Morris,
Delaware.
George Read,

should transmit their votes certified, signed, sealed, and directed, as the Constitution requires, to the Secretary of the United States in Congress assembled. That the Senators and Representatives should convene at the time and place assigned. That the Senators should appoint a President of the Senate, for the sole purpose of receiving, opening, and counting the votes for Dan. of St. Thomas Je-President; and that after he shall be

Gunning Bedford, jun.
John Dickinson,
Richard Bassett,
Jacob Broom.

Maryland.

James M Henry,

nifer.
Daniel Carroll.

Virginia.
John, Blair,
James Madison, jun.
North Carolina.
William Blount,

Richard Dobbs Spaight,
Hugh Williamson.

South Carolina.
John Rutledge,
Cha. Cotesworth Pinck-

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W. Jackson, Secretary. In Convention, Monday, September 17, 1787. Present, the States of New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Connecticut, Mr. Hamilton, from New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Vir

chosen, the Congress, together with the President, should, without delay, proceed to execute this Constitution. By the Unanimous Order of the Convention,GEORGE WASHINGTON, President.WILLIAM JACKSON, Secretary.

IN CONGRESS, MARCH 4, 1789. The Conventions of a number of the States having at the time of their adopting the Constitution expressed a desire, in ordez to prevent misconstruction or abuse of its powers, that further declaratory and restrictive clauses should be added: And as extending the ground of publis confidence in the Government will best ensure the beneficent ends of its institu

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ticularly describing the place to be searched, and the persons or things to be scized.

of both Houses concurring, That the following articles be proposed to the Legislatures of the several States, as amendments Article 7.-No person shall be held to to the Constitution of the United States, answer for a capital or otherwise infamous all or any of which articles, when ratified crime, unless on a presentment or indictby three fourths of the said Legislatures, toment of a grand jury, except in cases arisbe valid to all intents and purposes, asing in the land or naval forces, or in the part of the said Constitution, viz.

Articles in addition to, and amendment of, the Constitution of the United States of America, proposed by Congress, and ratified by the Legislatures of the several States, pursuant to the fifth Article of the original Constitution.

inilitia when in actual service in time of war or public danger; nor shall any person be subject for the same offence to be twice put in jeopardy of life or limb; nor shall be compelled in any criminal case to be a witness against himself, nor be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without Article 1.-After the first enumeration due process of law; nor shall private prorequired by the first article of the Consti-perty be taken for public use without just tution, there shall be one representative compensation. for every thirty thousand, until the number sball amount to one hundred, after which the proportion shall be so regulated by Congress, that there shall be not less than one hundred representatives, nor less than one representative for every forty thou-have been previously ascertained by law, sand persons, until the number of representatives shall amount to two hundred; after which the proportion shall be so regulated by Congress, that there shall not be less than two hundred representatives, nor more than one representative for every fifty thousand persons.

Article 8.-In all criminal prosecutions the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury of the State and district wherein the crime shall have been committed, which district shall

and to be informed of the nature and cause of the accusation; to be confronted with the witnesses against him; to have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his favour, and to have the assistance of counsel for his defence.

Article 9.-In suits at common law, where the value in controversy shall exceed

twenty dollars, the right of trial by jury shall be preserved, and no fact, tried by a

Article 2.-No law varying the compensation for the services of the senators and representatives shall take effect, until an election of representatives shall have inter-Jury, shall be otherwise re-examined in any

vened.

Article 3.-Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press; or the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the Government for a redress of grievances.

Article 4.-A well regulated militia being necessary to the security of a free State, the right of the people to keep and bear arms shall not be infringed.

Article 5,-No soldier shall in time of peace be quartered in any house without the consent of the owner, nor in time of war, but in a manner to be prescribed by law.

Article 6.-The right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be violated; and no warrants shall issue, bat upon probable cause, Supported by oath or affirmation, and par

court of the United States, than according to the rules of the common law.

Article 10.-Excessive bail shall not be cruel and unusual punishments inflicted. required, nor excessive fines imposed, nor

Article 11.-The enumeration in the

Constitution of certain rights shall not be construed to deny or disparage others retained by the people.

Article 12.-The powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively, or to the people.

FREDERICK AUGUSTUS MUHLENBERG,
Speaker of the House of Representatives.
JOHN ADAMS, Vice-President of the
United States, and President of the
Senate.

Attest.

JOHN BECKLEY, Clerk of the House of
Representatives.

SAM. A. OTIS, Secretary of the Senate.

Printed and published by J. MORTON, 94, Strand,

COBBETT'S WEEKLY POLITICAL REGISTER.

VOL. XXVI. No. 17.] LONDON, SATURDAY, OCT. 22, 1814. [Price 1s.

513]

SUMMARY OF POLITICS.

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ships. I dare say they had heard too that I was a farmer; and I have the presumpCORN BILL.No. I.-I before noti- tion to suppose, that they must have fied my intention to oppose, with all my thought me pretty nearly as capable of afmight, the projected Bill in all its stages, fording them information upon the subject which intention nothing shall prevent me as some, at least, of the moral philosophers, from carrying into effect, regarding, as I whom they examined. Their Lordships do, this project as one of the most out- did not call me before them. If they bad, rageous attempts on the rights of mankind they would have saved me the trouble of statthat ever was entertained.I have read, ing my objections through this channel; for with great attention, the Reports of the they would have found me not so ready, as Lords' Committee, and the evidence sub-their other witnesses were, to support the joined to them. To enter into an exami- pretensions of the project. Their Lordnation of this mass of evidence; this jum-ships might dislike my politics; but that ble of crude matter; this mixty maxty of could have no weight in a question like guess-work, facts, and speculations; this the present; and as to motives of self-inbook of the philosophy of conceited farmers terest, if the Bill be for the protection of and land-surveyors; to point out the ab-the farmer, I must have been the best possurdities, the downright contradictions, the sible witness, seeing that my declared opiflagrant foolishness of men, who, while they nion was against the Bill.What are complain that corn is too cheap, that is to the grounds upon which this Bill, if again say, too abundant, call for a Corn Bill in brought forward, are to rest? Why these: order to induce people to make new in-that by prohibiting importation to a cerclosures, which, as they say, would cause tain extent, wheat will be kept up to 10s. a more corn to be grown; to go into any bushel; that the farmer will then be able thing like detail in such a case would, 1 to grow it; that he will then take care to should think, be to insult the understand-provide a supply for the nation; and that, ings of my readers.-I shall, therefore, con- by this means, inclosures will go on, and a tent myself with stating, that the main security be obtained against scarcity. point, to which the evidence and the re- In the first place, it is impossible, under parts tend, is this: that it is for the good of some circumstances, to keep wheat up to the nation, that something should be done to 10s. a bushel; and it is arrant nonsense to prevent wheat from being sold under 10s. talk of it. If the crop be a very large one, a bushel.-But, first of all, I must notice wheat cannot be so dear as when the crop the source of this evidence. Who are the is very small. Besides, if every acre of witnesses? Persons who have come, upon any farm produces five quarters this year, being called upon to come by the Commit- and only two quarters and a half the next tec. The Committee state, that they en-year, would you have the price the same in deavoured to get before them some of the both years? Cannot the farmer afford to persons who had petitioned against the sell his wheat at 5s, in the former year, as Corn Bill last year; but then no such well as he can afford it at 103. in the latter persons appeared; from which the Com-year? And in what case is this notion of mittee conclude, that the petitioners had no the 10s. to apply? In years of great crops distinct notion on the subject; or, that they or years of small crops? When is it that objected to a hasty passing of the Bill, he can afford to grow wheat at 10s.` a without inquiry, and not to the passing of bushel? Is it when he has forty bushels to the Bill altogether. I cannot tell whether an acre, or when he has only sixteen or the invitations to these petitioners were twenty bushels to an acre? It is clear, very pressing. My objection to the Corn that, if a law ought to be passed to keep Bill was pretty well known to thei. Lord-wheat up to 10s. a bushel on the ground

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for them himself. From him I first learnt, that the importation of French cattle was put a stop to. I asked him how he liked France. He said very much, indeed; tor that, in that country, there were neither

that the farmer cannot grow it for less), | of French cattle. He had brought them the law ought to extend beyond the prohi- from Emsworth, and had been to France bition of imports. It ought to provide also against the effects of great crops. It ought to provide some means of compelling the people always to buy wheat at 10s, a bushel. I leave the reader to guess at the out-cry which such a proposition would oc-tythes nor turnpike-gates. I endeavoured casion; and yet, monstrous as is the idea, to convince him, that there was no hardwhat does it contain of a nature more man- ship in the establishment of turnpike-gates, trous than the proposition, that something secing, that, if the roads were not mainought to be done to insure the farmer 10s. tained in that way, they must be maintained a bushel for his wheat; seeing that, as is by a tax of some sort, which would not be asserted, he cannot grow it for less. ?- so fair, because it now fell upon persons It is asserted, that, by securing to him a like him and me, who used the road, and high price, the farmer will be induced to not upon those who never used it. And, as grow so largely as to supply amply all the to tythes, I asked him if he was a married wants of the nation. But, if all these man; if his wife had beea churched; if wants can be supplied at a low price, is his children had been baptised. He annot that as well? There stands France swered in the affirmative; and, I then ready to supply all deficiencies; and why asked him how he could expect these com would you say to her, "You shall not forts, together with those of the hearing supply us with cheap bread, because our of prayers and sermons, and of having his farmers are ready to supply us with dear body interred in consecrated ground after bread?" Has not this something monstrous he had, on his dying bed, received remisupon the face of it? You want a supply.sion of all his sins. How he could expect That is your object. And, when the sup- these things, unless tythes were paid to ply is tendered you, you turn from it, and support the priests and bishops. He said say, "No, our own farmers will supply all the farmers grumbled at the tythes, and ns at double the price ;" and, if we buy said, that if they were as free from burbread of you at sixpence a loaf, our far-dens as the farmers of France, they should mers will turn sulky upon our hands, and be able to sell cows and corn so cheap, that wil not grow us any wheat.-What would no one need go to France for them. “Aye, be thought of a proposition to prevent the "my friend," said I, rather nettled, perpeople of Kent from sending wheat into haps, at this grudging towards the church, Surrey and Middlesex? Yet, where is the "but, do you not see those farmers and difference? It is easier to convey wheat" their wives and daughters tramping to from Norway to Kent, than from Canter-" church every Sunday; do they not make a bury to London, or to Guildford. France" terrible out-cry if any part of the clerical is, I grant it, a new country. Her happy "duties are neglected; any of the forms Revolution, by sweeping away the Corvees, "unobserved. Do they not want marrying, the Gabelles, the Game Laws, the Feudal" and churching, and baptising, and confirmLaws and Rights, and the Tythes; by 66 ing, and the sacrament, and the absoluturning the convents into commodious farm-"tion? Is there not a gentleman, dressed in buildings, the gardens of the monks into" long robes, to read prayers and to preach yards, their cloisters into ox-stalls, their" to them? Is he not constantly on guard to dormitories into pig-styes, their cemetries" preserve them against the machinations of -into dung-holes, and their chapels into the Devil; and, if any one were, like a barns. The Revolution, by these and other" worthy friend of mine in Hertfordshire, to means, has made France a new country; 66 deny the existence of the Devil, would not has added to her capability of producing" the farmer and all his family fly at him, subsistence; has given her the fall and free" and, if possible, tear his eyes out of his use of all the means that nature had al- "head? Do they not applaud the sending of lotted her. It must also be confessed, a man to rot in jail, or to be pelted on the that, as hip stand, the English" pillory, who denies the truth of the reli farmer

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gion tanght by the Church? Do they not "call such a man by all manner of vile names? Well, then, with what justice "does the farmer complain of tythes? Dose

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fail. It is nonsense to talk of hording up
corn out of our own produce. We eat nearly
all we grow in years of the greatest plen-
ty. What, then, are we to do in years of
scarcity? Do as we did before. Pay 28.
for the quartern loaf! And this we shall
do; if this Bill pass; because the French,
not sure of a market here, will raise little
more than what they want for home con-
sumption. But, let this Bill be rejected;
let this project be scouted by Parliament ;
let the French farmer be sure that he hay
a market amongst us, and he will sow
freely; he will always be able to supply
our wants. I must confess, that I
was, when I wrote upon this subject some
time ago, deceived as to the capacity
of France in this respect.-I placed little
reliance on importation. But France, I
now find, is, in this regard, a new country.
She is a land of milk and honey compared
to what she formerly was.
She was pour-
ing in upon us food of all kinds, till a stop-
page was put to the entry of cattle, and till
other articles of food were taxed at our
custom-houses. In this country, you can-
not go by a farm-house, or over a heath,
without seeing French cattle, sheep, or
hogs. We were eating turkeys at 4s.
each, and geese at 2s. before the stoppage
took place. How many a waiting, water-
ing mouth has this stoppage disappointed!

he suppose, that a gentleman, who has our counties on the border of the Channel. "been at College, and learnt Greek and This ought to be regarded as a great bless"Latin, to enable him to cope with the ing. This is the best possible security "Devil; does he suppose, that a gentleman against scarcity, which will never be found "of this rank in life is to work all the Sun-in the high price of corn at home. We "day to wipe from the farmer's dirty con- have now, thanks to the peace, a country "science all the accumulated fraud and hy-to resort to for food, when our own crops pocrisy of the week, is to have nothing "for his labour, though the book of our "faith tells him, that the labourer is worthy of his hire? Does he suppose, that, though the same holy book tells him, that a man has no advantage if he gain "the whole world and lose his own soul, "that he saves his soul too dearly with a "tenth part only of his crop? What!" added I, in the ardour of my zeal, "would "the Hunks carry it to Hell with him, "and tender it as a bribe to the Devil, " rather than chearfully yield it here on "earth to the minister of God's word?" My auditor, though apparently a Butcher, seemed struck at this discourse, and a little boy, in a smock-frock, who was with him, was ready to fall down upon his knees. I had not time for further observation, and rode off with the satisfactory reflection, that I had given a new train of thought to two members of this "most thinking "nation." No, no; I am for none of these stupid attacks upon tythes, had in the natural selfishness of man, and fostered and supported by the philosophers of the agricultural societies. If any man will tell me, that he is ready for getting rid of tythes in the same way that the French got rid of their tythes; that is to say, by seizing on the church property, and turning the churches into barns and staples; that is to say, by a sweeping Revolution, I shall understand him; but, when I hear Irim railing against tythes with the litany The stoppage will produce emigration hardly clear of his lips, I must set him with those who live upon their income; down as a fool, or a krave, if not both at that is to say, those who live only to eat the same time. In the mean while, how- and drink and talk. They would prefer ever, to return to my subject, it must be three turkeys to one; and as the turkeys allowed, that the great changes which cannot come to them, they will go to the have taken place in France, have given to turkeys; and then our farmers will lose French agriculture very considerable ad-them as customers altogether. It has beep vantages; but as the French have pur-stated, in the public prints, that there are chased these advantages by a Revolution, already 40,000 English families in France. and as our farmers entered into the yeo-Take them at an average of 7, servants manry cavalry to prevent a Revolution and all, and you have a departed popula here, it is unreasonable in them to ex-tion of 280,000 people, who, it is to be obpect to participate in these advantages. From every thing I hear, and, indeed, I sce quite enough, I am convinced, that, in ordinary years, France is able to supply us with food equal in amount to that of all

-One effort of this will be precisely the contrary of that which was expected from it.

served, are none of them paupers; these, to the amount of a million and a half being all left behind to be supported by the rich and the middle class wir verin, and who have, of course, a heavier weight of taxes

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