ed together and marshalled under the generic name of the Liberal party, there was in reality no cohesion between the sects-nay, so far from that, the utmost jealousy and distrust were known to prevail; for many of the leading Radicals, if they abjured the principles of the Conservatives, had a rooted antipathy to the Whigs, whom they regarded as perfidious allies, whose sole object was the appropriation of the spoils of office, and with whom they were resolved, ere long, to hold a close and heavy reckoning. The Whig aristocracy, therefore, murmured grievously against the man who, without any previous warning or preparation, insisted on dragging them into the quagmire. From murmuring they proceeded to judgment, not the less sure because the tribunal was shrouded by the veil of impenetrable darkness. Lord John Russell was deposed from the leadership of the Whigs, and declared incapable from thence forward of again assuming that position; though, to avoid scandal as well as to prevent him from doing immediate mischief, he was allowed to serve in a subordinate capacity, and was finally pitchforked into the House of Peers, from which elevation it was fondly hoped that he would not, like his prototype, Sir Geoffrey Hudson, when hoisted on the cutler's booth, indulge in unnecessary harangues.

We have had a recent and very flagrant instance of this sort of unseemly exhibition, the performer being the Right Hon. W. E. Gladstone, present Chancellor of the Exchequer, and future aspirant, by the help of the Radicals, to the high office of Premier, so soon as Lord Palmerston shall have demitted. The days of the present Parliament are now numbered. The session is rapidly drawing to a close, and in a few weeks we shall be regaled with every possible variety of hustings oratory. Of course it is open to every candidate, whether he be a Minister or not, to address

himself to the particular constituency whose suffrages he woos, and to win their favour as he best can by an explanation of his political principles, or an appeal to their experience of his past career. But surely it is most indecorous in a member of the Cabinet, while Parliament is yet sitting, to appear without invitation before a constituency which he does not seek to represent, to stand forth in the character of a violent local partisan, discussing with more than ordinary latitude of speech the merits and demerits of the several candidates, to throw himself into a contest in which he has only a contingent interest, and to take that opportunity of uttering his future political programme. Mr Gladstone's friends and eulogists will doubtless attempt to defend, or even to justify, this serious offence against the rules of political propriety, by pleading in his behalf the irresistible impulses of paternal instinct, and his irrepressible anxiety for the success of his son, a very young gentleman indeed, who is one of the candidates for the representation of the town of Chester. To them it will appear quite natural and proper that the veteran should throw the shield of his oratory over his inexperienced boy; and it would probably be of no avail to reply that, according to the usages of chivalry, the knight who enters the lists, albeit for the first time, is bound to address himself to the combat without any extraneous assistance. We are not disposed to give Mr Gladstone credit for any nice chivalrous perceptions. His hand has always been more familiar with the tomahawk than the lance, and he never shows to so much advantage as when pitted against a weak opponent. On this occasion he was pleased not only to extol the merits of his son (which a partial father might possibly be allowed to do, founding, in the absence of all other proof or token of ability, on his own private know

ledge and convictions), but to ridicule and vituperate, in his absence, the Conservative candidate, Mr Raikes, with a breadth of expression and lack of decorum which are fortunately rare upon the hustings. Considering that the proper subject for his wrath-if it was necessary or seemly that, standing in such a questionable position, he should exhibit any symptoms of loss of temper-was the respectable and experienced gentleman professing Liberal opinions, who has dared to interfere with the projects of Gladstone junior, by offering his services to the constituency of Chester, it seems to us that the assault made by the Chancellor of the Exchequer upon Mr Raikes was discreditable and shabby in the extreme. To twit Mr Raikes with youth and imperfect knowledge, whilst admitting in nearly the same sentence that the lad at his elbow was "necessarily without experience in what is termed business,' required no common amount of audacity, and showed in what very low estimation the intellects of the people of Chester are held by the astute Chancellor of the Exchequer. In this instance, however, Mr Gladstone has gained no kind of advantage from the encounter. It not unfrequently happens that an inveterate bully who, confiding in his undeniable strength, makes a practice of provoking quarrels, finds that he has unexpectedly met with his match, and to his astonishment and discomfiture receives a hearty drubbing. Mr Gladstone's previous experiences ought to have made him more cautious. Not very long ago Mr Sheridan, whom he had wantonly attacked in the House of Commons, retaliated in a way which secured the entire sympathy of the audience, and which was the more severe because it was unexpected; and, in the present instance, Mr Raikes has favoured him with a reply, which, in the case of any statesman whose reputation was founded upon a regard to

consistency, would have had a most crushing effect. He reminded the people of Chester that few years had elapsed since this very Mr Gladstone, also in the character of a volunteering canvasser, made his appearance in the neighbouring county of Flintshire, on behalf of a near connection who was then a candidate for a seat, and propounded as his own those very political doctrines for the maintenance of which he now seeks to turn Mr Raikes into ridicule ! Mr Gladstone doubtless would answer that when he made those speeches he was still labouring under a strong political delusion. So be it. It would be in vain for us to conjecture what forms his kaleidoscope may assume with each novel turn; but at least he should have the decency to abstain from branding as utterly puerile opinions which in his mature manhood he strenuously maintained, and which gained him the confidence of that powerful and learned body which he now misrepresents in Parliament. Nay, it might occur to a gentleman who entertains so exaggerated an idea of his own intellectual importance, that his example and precepts might have had some effect in swaying the minds and determining the notions of others; for, as Seneca has well said "Nemo sibi tantummodo errat, sed alieni erroris et causa et auctor est." A recreant master should have some respect for a former disciple whose consistency is greater than his own.

Apart from the extreme bad taste to use the mildest term we can select-evinced by his appearance and oration, we are of opinion that, by acting thus, Mr Gladstone has taken an unwise step as regards the prospects and reputation of his Ascanius. Henceforward, and for many years, he will be pointed at

as

"the boy who could not walk alone." Englishmen admire pluck, and are not disposed to pass a severe censure upon any young man

who makes a sufficient display of that quality, even though his tallents may be small, his information limited, and his judgment evidently immature. It would be difficult to imagine anything more absurd than the appearance which was made by little Lord Amberley at Leeds, for the arrogance of his pretension was only equalled by the sublime imbecility of his utterance; still he evinced no slight degree of courage-or confidence, which is nearly the same thing in facing, without much friendly backing or assistance, a large and somewhat turbulent assembly; and though in all probability few of his hearers left the room with any deep impression of his abilities as a speaker, or of the soundness of his views as a politician, none were inclined to deny him credit for the boldness of his maiden effort. It remains to be seen whether or not his attempt will be crowned with success; but should Lord Amberley be elected as a representative of Leeds, he will be entitled to the eredit of having won the seat by his own unaided impudence. Very different would have been the case had he been introduced to the constituency by his venerable father in person, in a speech replete with apologies for his lack of experience, and touching panegyrics on his behaviour as an affectionate and wellconducted son. We apprehend that the grimy artisans of Leeds, more fastidious and acute than the easy voters of Chester, would at once have perceived and resented the implied insult to their understanding. They would have let Earl Russell know that hereditary claims can have no weight at all in the free election of members of the British House of Commons-that something more than illustrious or noble parentage is required to qualify for such a trust-and that, in any case, the candidate who solicit ed their suffrages must be so much of a man as to require none of that petting and puffing on the part of

near relatives which is sometimes bestowed, but never very judiciously, by way of encouragement to a schoolboy.

But

Young Gladstone may be a very nice lad, so well behaved and conducted as to justify the statement made by his sire, that of him he has never had cause, and believes that he never shall have cause, to be ashamed. We hope and trust that the same eulogy may be passed, with equal truth and sincerity, upon many of our rising youth. we fail to see in that any substantial ground for requesting an important constituency to elect him as their representative in Parliament. Something more, as it appears to us, is required by way of guarantee; and, admitting to the fullest extent the truism that everything must have a beginning, and that a public career must have a starting-point, we are inclined to ask what proofs have been given by this young gentleman of his ability to discharge the duties which he thus ambitiously offers to undertake? There is such a thing as training; and in no country of the world is it better understood or attended to than in England. It is quite true, as Mr Gladstone urged, that many of our leading statesmen were introduced early into Parliament, upon what he calls the principle of trust, and more than justified that selection by the talents which they subsequently displayed. But he was most careful not to tell his audience that, in almost every case, those young men had won distinction at the universities, or had otherwise given such proofs of their genius and mental capacity as entitled them to come forward in the capacity of political aspirants. Peel

Macaulay-Mr Gladstone himself -were eminent instances of this. The honours which they gained at the university were their passports into public life. They were marked men before they ever crossed the threshold of St Stephen's. The youth of their own generation ac

knowledged them as their leaders, and confidently predicted their success. No higher training could be found; no more satisfactory certificate could be given. They were educated from scholars into statesmen; and, though young in years, were sufficiently ripened by study to commence the work of administration. A noble system, and a fruitful, which we should be sorry to see abandoned; though abandoned it must be, if rampant ignorance is to have the ascendancy, and the better judgment of the educated classes is to be overwhelmed by the preponderating influence of the mob! If Mr Gladstone could have pointed to any such achievements on the part of his son-to any indications, however faint, of talent -to any proofs of industry coupled with fair average ability-we should have been inclined to pass over, leniently at least, the extraordinary demonstration which he has made, and have abstained from censuring an indiscretion which paternal fondness might excuse. But no such apology can be preferred. Even Mr Gladstone's plausibility can suggest no better argument than this-that "the mind will open out under the teaching of experience like a flower under the rain and the sun." We hope so; at the same time, we cannot avoid suggesting that a plant which has been long in the forcing-house without giving token of a bud, can hardly be expected to prove the ornament of the garden, when it is shifted into the open parterre.

But it is neither our wish nor our intention to speculate upon the future destinies of Gladstone junior. He is not to blame for the part he has taken in this performance; on the contrary, he has contributed to our amusement. When the celebrated acrobat, Herr von Belial, makes his appearance in the circus, with filleted hair and tight-fitting spangled drawers, leading by the hand an infant similarly apparelled, and tosses him dexterously in the

air, after the manner of an animated whirligig, we applaud the urchin, even though the father fails utterly to conciliate our regard. Whatever portion of disgust we may feel is reserved for the unblushing Belial. So, without occupying ourselves further with the juvenile gymnast, let us see what sort of ethical lessons we may derive from the teaching of the renowned professor.

His speech, apart from its direct bearing upon the Chester election, may be divided into two sections 1st, A dissertation upon political life; and, 2d, A vindication of the present Government, with some hints as to future progress. Upon both of these points we have a few observations to offer.

There is nothing, we believe, more repugnant to the common sense and honest feeling of the people of this country than deliberate trading in politics. It is a practice, however, not unknown in constitutional history; for since the Revolution Settlement many instances have occurred of shameless political tergiversation, in extenuation of which not even the plea of doubtful expediency could be urged. Such instances were common during the reigns of Anne and the earlier Georges, when principle was at a very low ebb, and when it had almost passed into an axiom that every public man had his price. Later still, though there was undeniably some amendment, corruption continued to be exercised. Even peers of the highest rank, whose dignity could hardly have been augmented, were bought over by offers of a blue ribbon, or some judicious distribution of patronage; and as they often, in virtue of property, possessed the nomination to boroughs, which were represented by their immediate dependants, such bargains had a marked effect upon the votes of the House of Commons. But for a long time a much higher sense of honour has prevailed among the aristocracy. Party ties are acknowledged as strictly binding; and

any Peer of the realm who might now act otherwise, would suffer both in caste and reputation. But the same strictness of principle is by no means observable in the other assembly. Direct bribery, such as was practised in the days of Walpole, is indeed unknown; but other influences, scarcely less deleterious, are actively at work, and public opinion does not exert itself with sufficient power to check or remedy the evil. The House of Commons is notoriously a favourite field for adventurers-men who have not the hardihood or perseverance to rise to eminence in the professions, but who think that fortune may be achieved by a short cut, and a bold push through the thorny brake of politics. Nor are they altogether mistaken in that view, for a little talent, unscrupulous service, and dexterous servility will usually suffice to attract notice, and to secure a footing upon the lower rounds of the coveted ladder of promotion; and that step once gained, it is the aspirant's own fault if he does not proceed in his ascension. These are the place-hunters, who are not to be blamed for their ambition, which in itself is a noble quality; nor for their obedience to their political chief, which is tantamount to an honourable duty. To serve the State in any capacity is a good and creditable thing; and though we may well doubt the prudence of the man who, without private means or fortune, selects politics for his profession, and may dread the temptations which await him, we cannot found upon the mere fact a proper ground of cen

sure.

We have called politics a profession; and we have done so purposely and deliberately. Its gains may be uncertain. It may be an indifferent and most precarious means of earning a livelihood. It may never lead to any tangible result, or receive the slightest reward. A representative of the people has no right to expect that, as a matter

of course, he must be promoted to office, and made free of the doors of the Treasury. Service is his duty and obligation; but if in the course of that service he displays any signs of unusual capacity, it is clearly for the interest of the party to which he belongs that he should receive encouragement and promotion. That is, or ought to be, the universal rule. The chiefs of Administration ought to select none but the most capable subordinates -a maxim, however, which requires more Spartan virtue for its due observance than is lodged within the bosom of a Russell. Not until the whole tribe of Odos and Dodos, Greys and Elliots, was glutted with excess of patronage, did that veteran appropriator distribute to his really able but savagely hungry supporters the remaining crumbs from the basket-but we have no wish to disinter buried griefs; and heaven forbid that we should measure duty by the practice of the Foreign Secretary! We simply state what ought to be the policy of an honest and well-regulated Administration with regard to its political adherents; and having said thus much, we have indicated all that the aspirant after fortune, in this exceptional line, has the slightest reason to expect.

We are assuming, of course, that the young man who devotes himself to politics as a profession, contemplates pursuing it to the end. There is such a thing as being shelved, after a few years' service, in some snug nook or cove, beyond the reach of the waters of tribulation, which ever and anon, like the bore on the Hooghly river, sweep Ministers remorselessly to destruction; and to our unsophisticated taste, such calm retreats commend themselves exceedingly. But into real political life there enters a good deal of that excitement which is the chief fascination of the gambler. Once fairly engaged in play, you can hardly abandon the table. If you are a winner you are flushed