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I am open to the charge of causing a fatal split in that Liberal party to which I have the honour to belong. Gentlemen, I regret to say that in some instances the members of that party have not been true to the principles which they profess, and have issued addresses almost identical in the terms they employ and in the measures they advocate with those of the Liberal-Conservative party. It is no satisfaction to me to be told that there are as many false Conservatives as there are false Liberals. As a friend of the people I am opposed to all compromises, and will unflinchingly expose treachery in the camp. You will find that my political views are clear and decided.

"Though a member of the Church of England, I am in favour of the total abolition of Church-rates, as I believe that you will spiritualise the Church precisely in proportion as you starve it.

"I am in favour of an extension of the franchise to such an extent as will comprise all the working classes, and thus pave the way to that universal suffrage in which I myself shall be included, and for the first time enjoy the privilege of voting.

"I am opposed to poverty in any form, and the Union Chargeability Bill has my entire concurrence.

"Should I fail to be returned as your member upon this occasion, I shall be in favour of a redistribution of seats.

"I believe that an era of universal peace is dawning upon the world, and I am therefore an advocate of the total suppression of our armaments both by sea and land.

"I think that the Christian spirit displayed in our foreign policy which has induced us to court national insult for the purpose of setting an example of forbearance, and which has enabled us humbly but surely to extend our commercial relations, has procured for us the highest moral position which has

ever yet been accorded to a people. To increase the wealth of the nation and to foster its Christian spirit, will be recognised by me as a primary duty, if I am honoured with the high trust of being your representative in the Commons House of Parliament."

Now comes Bodwinkle's address, written by the versatile author of the last :

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Gentlemen,-The appearance of a third candidate in the Liberal interest within the last few days induces me to break the silence which I have up to this time preserved. I have observed with pain that in many instances the addresses issued by gentlemen calling themselves Liberal - Conservatives Conservative Reformers, are of the most subversive tendency, and entirely opposed to the spirit of that old and enlightened party to which I have the honour to belong. I repudiate, therefore, entirely that temporising language which a large number of candidates calling themselves Conservatives hold, and which it has suited one of my opponents who calls himself a Liberal to adopt. I believe I shall best recommend myself to this constituency by an honest and unswerving advocacy of those views which the Tory party of this country have invariably maintained. More fondly attached, if possible, to the Church of England than I was upon the occasion when I last addressed you, I am more than ever convinced that money is the only thing that keeps it going. I am therefore entirely opposed to the abolition of those rates which form the foundation of that pillar upon which the State has been accustomed securely to repose.

"I am opposed to the enfranchisement of the working-man, as, in the probable event of a combination between the labouring classes and the aristocracy, that middle class to which I have the honour to belong would cease to direct the destinies of the country. Any lateral mea

sure of reform, unattended, however, by a vertical movement, which should exclude this possibility, will have my entire concurrence.

"I am in favour of a measure which shall largely increase the armaments of the country, and at the same time reduce the cost of their maintenance.

"I have profound confidence in the policy of the great Conservative party in their relations with foreign nations. The fact that they have hitherto declined to define what that policy is, renders it impossible for me to enter more fully into this subject at present.

"In a word, should you do me the honour to return me as your member, you will find me Liberal only in my views as to the modes in which money may be acquired, and Conservative always when there is a question of expenditure."

It is a grand idea but a great experiment this of having convictions, which Spiffy has just started, thought I. I have been cursed with them all my life, but never could turn them to account. Now in this case, for instance, he is using convictions-postiche convictions certainly to get Bodwinkle into Parliament; the result of my convictions is, that if I express them they will turn me out. A prophet is without honour in his own country, more especially when the whole constituency has become sceptical and apathetic. I shall issue an address to the free and independent electors of Dunderhead. And under the inspiration of the moment I wrote as follows:

"Gentlemen,In announcing my intention not to solicit your suffrages at the approaching general election, I feel that it is due to you that I should state the reason why I do not again seek the high honour which you have upon two previous occasions conferred upon me, of representing you in Parliament. The prosperity of the country is now so great that I feel it has no further need of my services.

In default of any great question of national importance, the rival political parties are reduced to the lamentable predicament of having nothing to fight for except office. As I have never taken the slightest interest in the fortunes of either party, except as embodying or representing the triumph of certain principles, the disappearance of those principles, and the difficulty of distinguishing by their expressed opinions between one party and the other, renders it quite impossible for me to follow the example of the candidates on both sides and to stand upon-nothing! Gentlemen, I have no doubt that before very long something will turn up for me to stand upon. I will wait till then. Meantime, I feel that to profess any decided convictions upon matters either of home or foreign politics at this juncture would be considered in bad taste, if not impertinent, and I shall therefore reserve whatever I have to say for a future occasion, when the exigencies of the country may render it absolutely necessary that some individual in it should have an opinion."

There, I don't think I need say anything more. I meant to have written these Dunderheadians something that would have made them remember me after I was gone; but I am getting sleepy, and they would not have understood it. I will give £1000 to be applied to the wants of the municipality instead. "In conclusion," I went on, "I beg to offer a tribute to the only article of political faith in which you still believe, and to place £1000 at the disposal of the mayor and corporation, which, in addition to the money spent in the contest that my retirement will render inevitable, will, I trust, not only be of substantial service to the borough, but secure my re-election upon any future occasion.

FRANK VANECOVE."

Good night, Dunderheadians. If

in spite of this you send me a requisition to stand again, I will decline on a ground simple enough even for your comprehensions-It is too hot!

It was no business of mine, after the explanation which I had had with Lady Ursula upon the subject of our rumoured engagement, to revert to the topic with any of her family. If Lady Broadbrim was dissatisfied with the position of affairs, I supposed that I should hear of it quite soon enough; my only anxiety was about Ursula herself. I trembled for her domestic peace and comfort. Broadbrim's few words about his sister's happiness under the altered circumstances were very significant, and I determined therefore to get her ladyship as much in my power as possible, by exercising to its utmost extent the right which I had wrung from her of a full control over her pecuniary affairs. If my wealth did not enable me to purchase my own happiness, it should at least enable me to secure the happiness of her whom I loved best in the world. I had never wavered in my resolution somehow or other to effect this great end, but my plans must of necessity undergo some change now that Lady Broadbrim's eyes were opened to the real state of the case. I was much puzzled what to do about Grandon. Sometimes I felt a yearning to take him fully into my confidence and consult with him upon that delicate topic which touched us both so nearly; but though he was kind and considerate as ever, there was a constraint about our intercourse of which we were both painfully conscious. We avoided all allusion to the Broadbrims, and he never called in Grosvenor Square, nor, so far as I know, had met Lady Ursula since the memorable dinner which had terminated so disagreeably for us all. Under the circumstances, I had also thought the wisest, and for many reasons the most proper, course for me was, to abstain from going

there until I should hear from Lady Broadbrim; and although I was anxious to consult her upon many business matters, I preferred letting them remain in abeyance to courting an interview which I dreaded. At last I began to think Lady Broadbrim's silence rather ominous. I felt that a thunder-cloud had been gathering for some time past, and that the sooner it burst the better. I occasionally found myself walking. past the door of the house, and wondering what was going on inside it. I felt that there would be something undignified about pumping Broadbrim, and yet every time I met him I experienced an irresistible desire to do so.

At last one day he volunteered a remark, from which I gathered that he was as anxious for information as I was. "Have you seen my mother lately?" he began.

"Not for weeks."

"Do you know she is carrying on in a lot of things just the same as ever?"

"I don't think that possible," I said; "she could do nothing without my knowledge."

"She is though," said Broadbrim; "I can't quite make out what is going on, because, you know, she never condescends to discuss her affairs with any of us; but I feel certain there is some new scheme afloat."

"Is she kind to your sister?" I asked.

"Well, she is neither kind nor unkind: she is very little at home, and seems to have lost all interest in her own family. She wants us to believe that it is the heathen; but I must say that she never used to neglect her daughters for them, and always said, what so many good people forget, that the first duty of a Christian woman was to attend to her own family. I am getting very uneasy," said Broadbrim, with a sigh; "I feel a presentiment that there is some sort of a crash coming; I wish you would go and see her."

66

Well, I did not intend going to her conversazione next week, but as she has sent me a card I suppose she wants to see me. I will come and hear my friend Joseph Caribbee Islands hold forth. By the way, I quite forgot I promised to ask Lady Broadbrim for a card for Lady Wylde and her daughter; will you send one when you get home? You don't know Miss Wylde, do you?"

"Yes," said Broadbrim, and he coloured and looked away; "I have just met her, and that is all. Did she ask you for the invitation?"

"What! you have met her, and she did not tell you the interest she takes in missions? I see you are half converted already. Take care, Broadbrim; you are no great catch; but she does not, perhaps, exactly know that, and all is fish that comes to her net. Nevertheless, don't forget to send her the invitation ;" and I saw the flush of gratified vanity mount to the brow of Broadbrim, and no longer wondered why" Wild Harrie" had expressed a wish to make Lady Ursula's acquaintance. Poor Ursula, what Broadbrim had said about his mother's change of manner, decided me not to neglect the opportunity which presented itself of going to her "meeting," and coming to a distinct understanding with Lady Broadbrim upon the present position of affairs. I had no doubt that that veteran campaigner had not been idle; and I was afraid, under the circumstances, that too much time had already been allowed her. "Do you think Miss Wylde is going down to Ascot?" asked Broadbrim, who had maintained an embarrassed silence during this interval.

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"Take my advice, and make a clean breast of it, my dear boy;" and I felt kindly towards him for the way he spoke about his sister. "Depend upon it, no half confidences do in such a case. Tell her that I shall come to you on Thursday of next week ;" and I pressed his hand. I had never cared about him for his own sake, but my heart warmed towards him for hers.

1865.]

Mr Gladstone at Chester.

107

MR GLADSTONE AT CHESTER.

MANY and ingenious are the devices resorted to by statesmen for the promulgation of their manifestoes at seasons when a political coup d'état seems necessary to secure their continuance in power, but when they are prevented, either by etiquette or the ties and obligations of party, from making an open declaration of their future policy within the walls of Parliament. The system-for such it has become in these days of patched-up and discordant Cabinets-is neither seemly nor honest. It displays a tendency on the part of the operator to outbid or overreach his colleagues, and it is a perfidious betrayal of that mutual trust, confidence, and co-operation, which ought to be reciprocally binding upon all members of an Administration so long as they remain together. Perfect freedom of action may be allowed to politicians who are out of office; though we think it is extremely imprudent, if not absolutely wrong, in an expectant political leader to commit his party to certain views upon which they have not yet declared their aggregate opinion, for no other purpose than to steal a march upon an unwary adversary. Earl Russell, before his elevation to the House of Peers, was an adept in that kind of sleight-of-hand; indeed, no other statesman of our day has practised the trick so sedulously. He was not at all particular in his selection of a theatre for his exploits. A stuffy council-room in a northern borough, where a few civic tradesmen were assembled to offer him the freedom of their corporation-or the platform of a mechanics' institute or the upper chamber of the hostelry of an obscure village, converted for the occasion into a banqueting-hall for the accommodation of some fivescore enthusiastic reformers-served his purpose as well as the princely hospitalities of the Mansion-House, or better.

There he was wont to deliver his
programme, and to delight the ears
of his audience by expatiating on
the new experiments which he in-
tended to make upon the time-hon-
oured constitution of the country-
experiments, the abstract necessity
he did not consider it worth while
to demonstrate by an elaborate pro-
cess of reasoning, seeing that their
evident tendency was to restore and
perpetuate that oligarchical scheme
of Whig supremacy, of which he
was the acknowledged champion.
Messages such as these, which have
given a kind of notoriety to more
than one crazy tenement-as the
Ryehouse was dignified by its plot
-were wafted by the press to every
corner of Great Britain; and in four-
and-twenty hours the hearts of the
Liberals from Cornwall to Caith-
ness were cheered by the enuncia-
tion of another decided step in the
downward direction of democracy.

But this system, though more
than once successful in immediate
results, proved, in the long-run,
highly detrimental to the interests
Lord
and influence of the man who had
unscrupulously abused it.
John Russell forgot that, though an
important unit of the great Whig
party, he was by no means acknow-
ledged as its dictator. Acting upon
the principle of the Athenians, the
aristocratic Whig families have al-
ways reserved to themselves the
power not only of nominating and
recalling their generals, but of pre-
scribing the plan of operations; and
they began to entertain no unrea-
sonable jealousy of the independent
liberty of action thus arrogated to
himself by the scion of the House
of Bedford. What right had he,
without previous consultation and
consent, to commit them to a new
line of policy? Deprived of their
support, he was absolutely nothing;
for although, by an ingenious fiction,
Whigs and Radicals had been mass-

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