delegates, but there are great principles upon which, if you are as you ought to be, decided, you have a right, and it may perhaps be also, as I humbly think it, your duty to yourselves and to your great race, to insist shall be maintained."

Mr. Connelly also says, p. 18, that amongst the immediate causes tending to it was an impression at Rome as if—

"There were no faith left in England but with the followers of Dr. Pusey and the Pope. It was only too natural in the Pope and in your own Ministers to think the Reformation had died out; that you were as indifferent to scriptural faith and civil supremacy in England as in Ireland; that provided abuses were unreformed, and the great revenues of the Church held sacred to private uses, you would revolt as little at the Pope in St. James's Palace as in Dublin Castle; as little care to see his swollen emissary trip up the heels of Norfolk as of Leinster. And, to tell the truth, it is more than probable you would have borne it, but for the frantic vanity of the grossest and most insolent of braggarts. At least the British Cabinet believed it, and made Rome, though with some difficulty, believe it too; for when in December, 1847, I took the liberty to warn the proper member of that Cabinet, what might be expected from the individual who was supposed agreeable to them for Archepiscopal and territorial dignity of the Pope's creation here in England, my letter was handed by that Cabinet Minister to the Cardinal Secretary of State, but without either seconding my remonstrance or hinting an objection to the creation of a Papal ARCHBISHOP of the Roman Catholic See of WESTMINSTER.'

The friends of absolutism and Popery on the Continent look forward to see England soon brought under thraldom.

"People of England," exclaims the writer, "I do not believe that you deserve, or that you are ready for the yoke. And I do not believe a civil war inevitable. But I do believe that if you will not be subjected,-if you do not mean to be legislated into a piece of Ireland, or the Continent, and made another appanage of the great FALSE PROPHET of the West, you must be ready for a civil War, and not afraid of it, as in '29."

"Lucas and Newman, the two great heralds of the Papal army, proclaim that they will have whoever sits upon the throne; and Cullen, the Irish commander of the faithful, warns you no mercy shall be shown you, that to your suppliant nobles on their knees, the answer must be, ENGLAND SHALL BE CRUShed.

"It is not yet five-and-twenty years since the Pope first began to serry his few thin ranks of priests despised and ignorant. And this is what they have already come to ! And whom have you to blame?

"Generous, but unwise people, you have only to blame yourselves. It was your own work abroad, that mightily helped on the fall of Europe. It was your own work at home, that now rocks England to her centre. It was your work, the Act called 'Catholic Emancipation;' as if men could be emancipated and continue Romanists! "It was a fatal spell the falsehood of that name.

"It was no emancipation for Roman Catholics as citizens or as men.

They were indeed given new fields to labour in, and fresh work to do: but it was for their old Master."

"There was only one great gainer by Catholic Emancipation,' and that was the Pope. Her Majesty the Queen was disseised of her supremacy over Roman Catholics. They were emancipated from civil, to come under pontifical allegiance; and they thought it a deliverance. It was a surrender."

"The first object of every British Cabinet must henceforth be to gain, not indeed the Irish or English Members of the House of Commons, but the Pope, their master, or their master's master, the General of the Jesuits. The late Proclamation of Her Majesty would have made the breaking up of Lord Derby's ministry, or a dissolution indispensable, but that the Papa nero,' Father Roothan, had always and most wisely set his face against the very thing that Proclamation puts an end to. Five years ago, the English Provincial of the Jesuits told me he believed this wearing of monastic habits and gasconading in procession, would lead to their being driven out of England. And so the Proclamation will only be made a cry, and secretly forgiven.

"With such a state of things as this in England, already ten years ago, in the days of my great spiritual delusion, I ventured to tell the wise Cardinal Secretary of State at Rome, in a conversation he did me the honour to ask me to commit to paper for him, with such a state of things in England, the Bill of Succession, the Coronation Oath, the Established Church and Protestant Christianity in Europe, are only an affair of time.

"The Roman Catholic Peers of England are neither nominated by the priests, nor dependent on them for their dignity or station. The Roman Catholic Members of the House of Commons depend upon the Pope of Rome, and represent the Pope of Rome, and they depend upon nothing, they represent nothing but the Pope of Rome. They represent him, as no other interest is, or even can be, reprcsented."

We have often spoken of the incompatibility of Popery with civil and religious liberty or sound constitutional government. Papal and Royal supremacy in the same country cannot

exist.

"To attempt to tolerate two SUPREMACIES in one realm; to attempt to unite civil with independent irresponsible political government; to attempt to unite English Protestants and the Romanists in the same polity and purposes political, seems rather a delusion brought about by some malignant influence than mere ignorance and folly. Its wickedness is too methodical, the ruin of the constitution and the kingdom too surely its result to have been blindly stumbled on."Pp. 25, 26.

Towards the close of the pamphlet we have, at p. 27, as follows:

"A religion which disowns, or sets itself above the moral law, is worse than no religion. It is anti-religious. It cracks and breaks asunder all that which religion binds, and was meant to bind together. And such

is Rome's pretended religion. Hell itself can complicate nothing more dis-binding, more anti-divine, or anti-human than that Satanic rule of conduct which Rome has solemnly established as her code moral and political."

"And these things are so. They are known to be so. They are proclaimed by Rome to be so. They are inseparably and irrevocably

a part of what she calls her religion.'

"What Rome, then, calls her religion, is not only rebellion against civil sovereignty, it is war, and treacherous, secret war with all the rest of mankind. It makes human fellowship with them, as a sect, impossible and absurd. Other men, Protestant Christians. the Jews, the Persians, and the Turks, may strike hands, and sit down together in mutual confidence. With the disciples of Moses, or of Zoroaster, or of Mahomet, as with the true disciples of our Lord, human charity is placed higher than religious faith, and truth, and love, and confidence are tolerated towards all. With the Roman Catholic, they are, at any priest's discretion, forbidden under pain of hell;-while the pretence of them in treachery, is made the road to honours almost divine, the way to be worshipped publicly upon the altar!"

....

"For, as has been said already, and as has been seen in my own family, the sacred rights of domestic life are no more respected than any other by the Church of Rome. That stupendous polity, execrable beyond the reach of equal hatred, admits no other foundation even of conjugal society, no other claim to filial duty, than an unnaturalized priest's discretion or his arbitrary will. To betray or kill a parent or a king; to rob a husband or a master; to,steal away a wife or mother; to abandon an infant child to misery and unshared sorrows; to lie; to slander; to swear falsely; to anticipate an insult or a wrong by secret murder, are all duties or not duties, just as they are enjoined or not enjoined by the priestly director. And a director, some Papal priest or other, it is now held, every consistent and sincere Roman Catholic, in secret or openly, be his rank, or learning, or ability what it may, is 'obliged' not only to have, but to submit himself to.'

"The people of this kingdom, knowingly, will put up with none of the Pope's assistance in their government. The great mass of them are true, and, blessed be God for it, lovingly true to their religion and their Queen. They believe, and are persuaded in their heart of hearts, that if there is anything upon earth worth fighting for, it is to keep this land Protestant, and to keep a Protestant house upon its throne; to keep Great Britain, British, and not let it be made Irish, French, Austrian, Spanish, or Italian, by any hocuspocus of the Pope. They may have to fight for it, and depend upon it, if need be, that they will, without a month, a week, a day, or hour's debate. And not the men and boys of England and Scotland only, but their true-hearted wives and daughters will rise up against the bayonets that would bring in the Popish priest and profligacy and perjured treachery to lord it over them."

* See "Pascal the Younger." Bosworth, 215, Regent-street.

We cannot but think that good will be the result of this pamphlet, and we wish our politicians, electors, and Members of Parliament would make the subject of it their study.

We cannot, however, agree with the following remarks :— "And for the Maynooth inquiry! To talk of sitting in judgment on the faith taught at Maynooth College, is to outrage the first principles of English liberty. It is no business of the Queen, or Parliament, or people of the kingdom, what dogmas are held or taught in any tolerated Roman Catholic College, be it endowed by whom it may. Conscience, the human spirit, reason and faith, and the innocuous exercise of mental power and of religious worship in this empire, blessed be God, are sacred. And to talk of inquiring into the moral and political philosophy of Maynooth, is as superfluous as the other would be audacious."

Indeed, we think the writer would himself have written rather differently had he been writing specially upon the subject, instead of treating it parenthetically or as merely incidental to the subject then before him.

We consider that wherever a grant of public money is made, there is the right of seeing the money properly applied. If it be given to promote loyalty, and it does the reverse; to promote peace, while it in reality generates ill-will, it cannot be said justly, as we conceive, that the State is deprived of the power to investigate the source of such evils-evils which are poisoning the life-blood of the social and political system, and superinducing disease, distress, and ruin.

PROROGATION AND DISSOLUTION OF PARLIAMENT.-THE

NEW ELECTION.

ON Thursday, July 1, Her Majesty in person prorogued Parliament, prior to its dissolution.

The following is the Royal Speech :

"My Lords and Gentlemen,

"I am induced, by considerations of public policy, to release you at an earlier period than usual from your legislative duties.

“The zeal and diligence, however, with which you have applied yourselves to your Parliamentary labours have enabled me, in this comparatively short session, to give my assent to many measures of high importance, and, I trust, of great and permanent advantage.

"I receive from all foreign powers assurances that they are animated by the most friendly dispositions towards this country; and I entertain a confident hope that the amicable relations happily subsisting between the principal European States may be so firmly established as, under Divine providence, to secure to the world a long continuance of the blessings of peace. To this great end my attention will be unremittingly directed.

"I rejoice that the final settlement of the affairs of Holstein and Schleswig, by the general concurrence of the powers chiefly interested, has removed one cause of recent difference and of future anxiety.

"The amicable termination of the discussions which have taken place between the Sublime Porte and the Pasha of Egypt affords a guarantee for the tranquillity of the East and an encouragement to the extension of commercial enterprise.

"The refusal, on the part of the King of Ava, of redress justly demanded for insults and injuries offered to my subjects at Rangoon, has necessarily led to an interruption of friendly relations with that sovereign. The promptitude and vigour with which the GovernorGeneral of India has taken the measures thus rendered unavoidable have merited my entire approbation; and I am confident that you will participate in the satisfaction with which I have observed the conduct of all the naval and military forces, European and Indian, by whose valour and discipline the important captures of Rangoon and Martaban have been accomplished, and in the hope which I entertain that these signal successes may lead to an early and honourable peace.

"Treaties have been concluded by my naval commanders with the King of Dahomey and all the African chiefs whose rule extends along the Bight of Benin for the total abolition of the slave-trade, which is at present wholly suppressed upon that coast.

"I have had great satisfaction in giving my assent to the measure which you have wisely adopted for the better organization of the militia a constitutional force, which, being limited to purposes of internal defence, can afford no just ground of jealousy to neighbouring powers, but which, in the event of any sudden and unforeseen disturbance of my foreign relations, would at all times contribute essentially to the protection and security of my dominions.

"Gentlemen of the House of Commons,

thank you for the liberal provision which you have made for the exigencies of the public service. The expenditure which you have authorized shall be applied with a due regard to economy and efficiency.

"The recent discoveries of extensive gold fields have produced, in the Australian colonies, a temporary disturbance of society, requiring prompt attention. I have taken such steps as appear to me most urgently necessary for the mitigation of this serious evil. I shall continue anxiously to watch the important results which must follow from these discoveries. I have willingly concurred with you in an act which, by rendering available to the service of those colonies the portion arising within them of the hereditary revenue placed at the disposal of Parliament on my accession to the throne, may enable them to meet their necessarily increased expenditure.

"My Lords and Gentlemen,

"I have gladly assented to the important bills which you have passed for effecting reforms, long and anxiously desired, in the practice and proceedings of the superior courts of law and equity, and generally for improving the administration of justice. Every measure which simplifies the forms, and diminishes the delay and