could not be touched without infinite hazard, and if he had not been pressed, would have avoided giving any plan or

assistance to them.

Nov. 18th.

Nothing is more true, than that the House of Commons passed almost an unanimous vote of satisfaction at the close of the last session; yet it is equally true, that satisfaction was of short duration, and that new dissatisfaction succeeded almost immediately. This was pretty general; so that in the opinion of the public at large, and in some measure, of Parliament, that vote is nearly obsolete. In their opinion many things still remained to be arranged, and particularly, objects of regulation, which the friends of Government had pledged themselves to, when in opposition, were supposed by them to be reserved for a settlement, at a period which would afford more leisure than the conclusion of a session.

I cannot think that it can be the intention of the Cabinet to give me a discretionary power with regard to annual sessions, nor that the expressions used by Lord North in his despatch did by any means convey such a meaning. "The innumerable inconveniences of annual sessions of Parliament must be obvious to your Excellency, and how much they outweigh the advantages expected from them. As to the pretence used by the supporters of provincial meetings, it is so mere a pretence, that it cannot be considered as a reason for any alteration of consequence. His Majesty's servants wish, therefore, that the grants of money may be made as usual for two years. Perhaps your Excellency, on the fullest and most mature enquiry, is perfectly convinced that they cannot be obtained in the usual manner."

A more decisive opinion of the impropriety of the mea

sure cannot be given, and the direction is positive to resist, and, as far as remonstrance can be useful, to defeat it.

As far as I can state and judge, my opinion is, that Ireland will be most easily governed by annual meetings. It will knit more firmly together the supporters of Government, and marshal the Phalanx men more readily. You will not have to be making bargains for the support of particular sessions, after which every man is really left at liberty, and is to renew his agreement again; but it will be a steady and a fixed support, not liable to change, and more to be depended on.

As to "boons, gifts, and compliments," I do not suppose you rank, under that head, regulations which of necessity arise out of the new situation of Ireland: I mean the establishment of an Admiralty Court, Post Office, and annual sessions, all objects which the new constitution of Ireland comprehends within it. The sugar refinery was once an object so much at heart that my predictions have been verified; and the directions of every one of the Duke of Portland's friends have rendered it necessary for me to acquiesce in placing the silk and woollen manufactures on a system of equalization, that is, reducing the duty in England on Irish woollens to the duty here on English. There never can exist a competition, at least for a century, owing to the superior skill, diligence, and capital, of England. Upon a non-importation agreement, which lasted a considerable time, the case was clearly proved, and the effects produced were increase of price and worse materials.

I must refer to my old idea, that is, that, the trade of Ireland being open to England, any regulations she may find it expedient to make must interfere with English trade; and I cannot help observing that the old notions seem to govern even now the King's councils, and that a

strong jealousy exists about every trifling advantage that is likely to be gained by Ireland.

Many of our friends, you say, have disapproved of the proposed arrangements for Scott and Fitzgibbon. Are they of this or your side of the water? If on my side, I can contradict it thus far-Grattan was consulted, and was content to act with Fitzgibbon, and has no objection to Scott being Prime Sergeant. The Attorney-general likewise approves of Fitzgibbon. He stands foremost in rank, abilities, and professional knowledge. It is proposed he should take the lead in the House of Commons. Scott's appointment to the Prime Sergeantcy has been warmly urged by Conolly and Mr. Loftus. These two are considerable friends of yours and of the Duke of Portland.

I have a most difficult task. The country is full of disorder, madness, and inconsistency; deriving much of its inclination to disquiet from vexation-from a notion of the instability of Government at home, and the influence of a secret hand attempting to undermine Government here. I mean a secret hand* from a high quarter.

In addition to all this, I must confess it is a wrong measure of the English Government to make this country the first step in politics, as it usually has been; as I am sure men of abilities, knowledge, business, and experience, ought to be employed here, both in the capacity of Lord Lieutenant and Secretary; not gentlemen taken wild from Brooks'st to make their denouement in public life.

I am, with truest regard, yours sincerely,

NORTHINGTON.

*This was the secret hand that directed the proceedings against the Fox party on the East India Bill, and this remark shows that the Government were aware they possessed no friend in that quarter, and it should have rendered them more cautious.

The Club in St. James's-street.

135

CHAPTER V.

Interview between Lord Bristol, Bishop of Derry, and Lord CharlemontSingular remarks of the former-Dinner to the Bishop at George Robert Fitzgerald's-Attack meditated on Mr. Grattan-Intended arrest of the Bishop by the Privy Council-Remarks on the Debates in the Convention, and proceedings of the Volunteers-Their resolutions and plan of parliamentary reform-Mr. Flood proceeds from the Convention to the House-Moves to bring in a Bill of ReformViolent opposition-Mr. Daly's reply to Mr. Flood-Bill rejectedResolutions of the House of Commons thereon-List of divisionLord Lieutenant's letter to Mr. Fox respecting the debate in the Commons-Mr. Flood and Mr. Luttrell-Termination of the Convention-Address to the King-Sir Jonah Barrington's error in his history respecting Lord Charlemont-Remarks on the VolunteersMr. Flood's departure to England with the address-Takes his seat in the English House of Commons-Speeches on Mr. Fox's East India Bill-How received by the English-Attacked by General Luttrell Anecdote-General Luttrell-his character-Mr. Grattan's remarks on Mr. Flood.

A CIRCUMSTANCE occurred at this time, indicative of the sentiments and intentions of those who now took a lead in public affairs and sought to direct the people. The Bishop of Derry had come from the North, accompanied by a troop of horse, under the command of his nephew, George Robert Fitzgerald; they attended him on all occasions, mounted guard at his residence, and paraded the streets with much pomp. Thus did the Bishop court every popular breeze, eager for admiration

and applause, and assuming all the airs of popularity most unbecoming his station, and in a manner at once both sacrilegious and seditious. He proceeded to Marino and presented himself to Lord Charlemont, and rubbing his hands with much mirth, exclaimed, "Things are going on well,-we shall have blood, my Lord,—we shall have blood!" It was said, that in one of his fanciful moods, he had conceived the idea of separating the two countries. Lord Charlemont, with great composure, replied "Blood! my Lord,--not a drop, my Lord, shall be shed, if I can help it, no blood-that I promise you!" This sentiment of the Bishop was not, however, entertained by many; but it is difficult to say to what extremes an armed body might have proceeded, attracted by the specious allurements of liberty, and under the guidance of so holy an adviser.

Another incident occurred at this time, in which Mr. Grattan was concerned. George Robert Fitzgerald gave a splendid entertainment to the Bishop and several of the Volunteer officers, who had accompanied him from Derry, and formed part of his suite. They wished to get Mr. Grattan to join in their views, and he was accordingly invited. Mr. Grattan did not belong to the Convention, and though a determined supporter of the independence of Ireland, was averse to the measures now adopted. He did not enter into