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provisions, but the King of Holland refused to adhere to it. Belgium, therefore, remained temporarily in possession of all Luxemburg, except the federal fortress, the garrison of which was again placed on a peace footing on Oct. 27. The small federal contingents posted there returned to their respective countries, but the King of Prussia immediately ordered the commander of the Rhine corps to supply reinforcements, if necessary, to the Prussian troops stationed in Luxemburg.

The status quo continued till 1839, when the King of Holland finally decided to subscribe to the XXIV Articles. Notwithstanding the efforts made by the Belgian Government, and especially by Leopold I, to obtain an extension of territory, the Governments of France and England would not revise those provisions, because they were afraid of disturbing the balance of Europe. Louis Philippe and Queen Victoria pressed King Leopold to submit to a renunciation of the Limburg and Luxemburg territories denied him by the Powers in 1831. Leopold did not omit to acquaint the two sovereigns who were friendly to Belgium with the inconveniences caused to his country by the arrangements forced on her,' and with the humiliation felt at her so-called political independence.' He wrote to Queen Victoria (April 19, 1839): 'It is very melancholy . . . to see, after eight years of hard work, blooming and thriving political plantations cut and maimed, and that by those who have a real interest in protecting them. . . .'

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During the transition period 1831-1839, the Prussian commander of the garrison of Luxemburg distinguished himself by his brutality and arbitrary ways. He repeatedly extended the boundary of the fortress till it reached a radius of four leagues, and thus multiplied the occasions of quarrelling with the Belgian authorities. One day he ordered a Belgian to be flogged, pretending that he had advised a Prussian soldier to desert-this method of repression, Treitschke remarks, was very beneficent. Another time, he caused a whole squad of Belgian custom-house guards to be imprisoned because they were acting within the radius of the fortress. He frequently prevented recruits from the vicinity of Luxemburg from joining their regiments. It was no wonder, then, the black and white colours of Prussia,

which had for nine years defied the Belgian tricolour, appeared to the Luxemburgers as a symbol of tyranny, as Treitschke himself admits, while the city of Luxemburg itself suffered from the isolation in which it had all that time been kept by its Prussian garrison.

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In later years, when the National Anthem of the Grand Duchy was composed, after the Dutch sovereign had granted a separate constitution to its inhabitants, an indissoluble connexion was felt to exist between patriotism and the hatred of Prussia. The refrain at first was: We want to remain what we are,' but instead of this the public sing: 'We don't want to be Prussians.' Treitschke ruefully remarks, in vol. iv of his History of Germany in the 19th Century,' which he concluded in 1889, that anti-Prussian demonstrations were multiplying there with ever-increasing success. Natives of the Grand Duchy have never to this day been wholly foreigners in Belgium; they often join the Belgian army, and many are serving with the colours in the present war. They are also numerous in other public services, particularly in the State schools, where their command of French and German makes them useful. The Grand Duchy, having no university of its own, sends many students to the Belgian universities; as its civil law still is the Code Napoléon, its lawyers must be trained in legal Faculties where that Code is being taught, viz. those of Belgium or France. The official language is French.

As may well be guessed, the Luxemburgers' hatred of Prussian tyranny has not been lessened by the late disastrous invasion of their country, and they desire a peace that will free them from the incubus of German militarism. They look forward to being in some way reunited to the old Belgian motherland from which they were torn by force, and against the will of the people.





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1. (a) Gregory the Great. (b) Augustine the Missionary. (c) The Golden Age of the English Church (Three vols). By Sir Henry Howorth. Murray, 1912-17.

2. The Christian Church in Gaul. By Rev. Canon Scott Holmes. Macmillan, 1911.

3. Constantine the Great and Christianity. By Prof. C. B. Coleman. Columbia University Press, 1914.

4. The Conversion of Europe. By the Rev. C. H. Robinson, D.D. Longmans, 1917.

THE man who labours in past matters can hardly hope to find his work popular to-day. Our interests are centred on great happenings; the men of action, and not the men of research, are the heroes of the hour. The newspaper absorbs our attention; we prefer telegrams to treatises, even when they sparkle with illustrations and commend themselves by patient erudition. What happened yesterday in France or Flanders, in Russia or Palestine, is of more moment than the missionary successes of St Columba or the conversion of Constantine. And yet, if we can abstract our minds from present events and spare an hour to give a backward glance, we may reap some profit, for in the past are the upper springs, the fountains whence flow the forces whose might astonishes us to-day. The conflicts of to-day have their origin in the past. Silently and unobserved the forces were born, which under the fashioning hand of time took the forms which now are seen in collision; for evolution, that word which embodies our knowledge and exemplifies our ignorance, is not, as I understand it, a process of continuous and uniform advance, but rather a series of independent and tentative advances in which one structure is 'sacrificed for the development of another.' This law of ' This law of economy of growth' meets us frequently in human history, when types of civilisation contend with one another for the mastery.

We hear, and it is natural that we should hear, a great deal of talk about the policy to be adopted after the war. Popular attention readily turns to the economic conditions which will then prevail; it is realised that our future welfare will largely depend upon the policy which

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