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tolerant spirit towards them. In 1606 he visited England, and became intimate with Camden and Sir Robert Cotton, to the former of whom he communicated some valuable particulars about the an

lion, in 1641, drove him to England, where he settled at Oxford, then the residence of Charles. Subsequently the civil war caused him repeatedly to change his abode, which was finally the Countess of Peterborough's seat at Ryegate, where he died in 1656, at the age of seventy-five. Most of his writings relate to ecclesiastical history and antiquities, and were mainly intended to furnish arguments against the Catholics; but the production for which he is chiefly celebrated is a great chronological work entitled Annales, or Annals,' the first part of which was published in 1650, and the second in 1654. It is a chronological digest of universal history, from the creation of the world to the dispersion of the Jews in Vespasian's reign. The author intended to add a third part, but died before accomplishing his design. In this work, which was received with great applause by the learned throughout Europe, and has been several times reprinted on the continent, the author, by fixing the three epochs of the deluge, the departure of the Israelites from Egypt, and their return from Babylon, has reconciled the chronologies of sacred and profane history; and down to the present time, his chronological system is that which is generally received. A posthumous work, which he left unfinished, was printed in 1660, under the title of Chronologia Sacra; it is accounted a valuable production, as a guide to the study of sacred history, and as showing the grounds and calculations of the principal epochs of the Annals.'

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the Roman Catholic church appeared to him to be best entitled. For some time after this, he studied at the Jesuits' college at Douay; but his friends induced him to return to Oxford, where, after additional study of the points of difference, he declared in favour of the Protestant faith. This drew him into several controversies, in which he employed the arguments that were afterwards methodically stated in his famous work entitled The Religion of the Protestants a Safe Way to Salvation, published in 1637. This treatise, which has placed its author in the first rank of religious controversialists, is considered a model of perspicuous reasoning, and one of the ablest defences of the Protestant cause. The author maintains that the Scripture is the only rule to which appeal ought to be made in theological disputes; that no church is infallible; and that the apostles' creed embraces all the necessary points of faith. The latitudinarianism of Chillingworth brought upon him the appellations of Arian and Socinian; and his character for orthodoxy was still further shaken by his refusal to accept of preferment, on condition of subscribing the thirty-nine articles. His scruples having, however, been overcome, he was promoted, in 1638, to the chancellorship of Salisbury. During the civil war, he zealously adhered to the royal party, and even acted as engineer at the siege of Gloucester in 1643. He died in the succeeding year. Lord Clarendon, who was one of his intimate friends, has drawn the following character of this eminent divine: He was a man of so great a subtilty of understanding, and so rare a temper in debate, that, as it was impossible to provoke him into any passion, so it was very difficult to keep a man's self from being a little discomposed by his sharpness and quickness of argument, and instances, in which he had a rare facility, and a great advantage over all the men I ever knew.' Writing to a Catholic, in allusion to the changes of his own faith, Chillingworth says I know a man, that of a moderate Protestant turned a Papist, and the day that he did so, was convicted in conscience that his yesterday's opinion was an error. The same man afterwards, upon better consideration, became a doubting Papist, and of a doubting Papist a confirmed Protestant. And yet this man thinks himself no more to blame for all these changes, than a traveller, who, using all diligence to find the right way to some remote city, did yet mistake it, and after find his error and amend it. Nay, he stands upon his justification so far, as to maintain that his alterations, not only to you, but also from you, by God's mercy, were the most satisfactory actions to himself that ever he did, and the greatest victories that ever he obtained over himself, and his affections, in those things which in this world are most precious. In the same liberal spirit are written the following passages, extracted from his great work:—

[Against the Employment of Force in Religion.]

I have learned from the ancient fathers of the church, that nothing is more against religion than to force religion; and of St Paul, the weapons of the Christian warfare are not carnal. And great reason; for human violence may make men counterfeit, but cannot make them believe, and is therefore fit for nothing but to breed form without and atheism within. Besides, if this means of bringing men to embrace any religion were generally used (as, if it may be justly used in any place by those that have power, and think they have truth, certainly they cannot with reason deny, but that it may be used in every place by those that have power as well as they, and think they have truth as well as they), what could follow but

the maintenance, perhaps, of truth, but perhaps only the profession of it, in one place, and the oppression of it in a hundred? What will follow from it but the preservation, peradventure, of unity, but, peradventure, only of uniformity, in particular states and churches; but the immortalising the greater and more lamentable divisions of Christendom and the world? And, therefore, what can follow from it but, perhaps, in the judgment of carnal policy, the temporal benefit and tranquillity of temporal states and kingdoms, but the infinite prejudice, if not the desolation, of the kingdom of Christ? But they that know there is a King of kings, and Lord of lords, by whose will and pleasure kings and kingdoms stand and fall, they know that to no king or state anything can be profitable which is unjust; and that nothing can be more evidently unjust than to force weak men, by the profession of a religion which they believe not, to lose their own eternal happiness, out of a vain and needless fear lest they may possibly disturb their temporal quietness. There is no danger to any state from any man's opinion, unless it be such an opinion, by which disobedience to authority, or impiety, is taught or licensed (which sort, I confess, may justly be punished as well as other faults), or unless this sanguinary doctrine be joined with it, that it is lawful for him by human violence to enforce others to it. Therefore, if Protestants did offer violence to other men's consciences, and compel them to embrace their reformation, I excuse them not.

[Reason must be appealed to in Religious Discussions.]

But you that would not have men follow their rea son, what would you have them follow their passions, or pluck out their eyes, and go blindfold? No, you say; you would have them follow authority. In God's name let them; we also would have them follow authority; for it is upon the authority of univer sal tradition that we would have them believe Scripture. But then, as for the authority which you would have them follow, you will let them see reason why they should follow it. And is not this to go a little about-to leave reason for a short turn, and then to come to it again, and to do that which you condemn in others? It being, indeed, a plain impossibility for any man to submit his reason but to reason; for he that doth it to authority, must of necessity think himself to have greater reason to believe that authority.

A collection of nine sermons, preached by Chillingworth before Charles I., has been frequently printed. From one of these we select the following animated expostulation with his noble hearers :

[Against Duelling.]

But how is this doctrine [of the forgiveness of injuries] received in the world? What counsel would men, and those none of the worst sort, give thee in such a case? How would the soberest, discreetest, well-bred Christian advise thee? Why, thus: If thy brother or thy neighbour have offered thee an injury, or an affront, forgive him? By no means; thou art utterly undone, and lost in reputation with the world, if thou dost forgive him. What is to be done, then? Why, let not thy heart take rest, let all other business and employment be laid aside, till thou hast his blood. How! A man's blood for an injurious, passionate speech-for a disdainful look! Nay, that is not all: that thou mayest gain among men the reputation of a discreet, well-tempered murderer, be sure thou killest him not in passion, when thy blood is hot and boiling with the provocation; but proceed with as great temper and settledness of reason, with as much discretion and preparedness, as thou wouldest to the communion : after several days' re

fellowship under his friend Sir Henry Saville as provost. Of this, after the defeat of the royal party, he was deprived, for refusing to take the 'engagement,' or oath of fidelity, to the Commonwealth of England, as then established without a king or

spite, that it may appear it is thy reason guides thee, and not thy passion, invite him kindly and courteously into some retired place, and there let it be determined whether his blood or thine shall satisfy the injury. Oh, thou holy Christian religion! Whence is it that thy children have sucked this inhuman poison-house of lords. By cutting off the means of subsistous blood, these raging fiery spirits! For if we shall ence, his ejection reduced him to such straits, that inquire of the heathen, they will say, They have not at length he was under the necessity of selling the learned this from us; or of the Mahometans, they greater part of his library, on which he had exwill answer, We are not guilty of it. Blessed God! pended £2500, for less than a third of that sum. that it should become a most sure settled course for a This he did from a spirit of independence, which reman to run into danger and disgrace with the world, fused to accept the pecuniary bounty liberally offered if he shall dare to perform a commandment of Christ, by his friends. Besides sermons and miscellanies which is as necessary for him to do, if he have any (the former of which compose the chief portion of his hopes of attaining heaven, as meat and drink is for works), he wrote a famous Tract concerning Schism the maintaining of life! That ever it should enter and Schismatics, in which the causes of religious disinto Christian hearts to walk so curiously and exactly union, and, in particular, the bad effects of Episcontrary unto the ways of God! That whereas he copal ambition, are freely discussed. This tract sees himself every day, and hour almost, contemned having come to the hands of Archbishop Laud, who and despised by thee, who art his servant, his creawas an old acquaintance of the author, Hales adture, upon whom he might, without all possible im- dressed a letter in defence of it to the primate, who putation of unrighteousness, pour down all the vials having invited him to a conference, was so well satisof his wrath and indignation; yet he, notwithstanding, fied, that he forced, though not without difficulty, a is patient and long-suffering towards thee, hoping that prebendal stall of Windsor on the acceptance of the his long-suffering may lead thee to repentance, and needy but contented scholar. The learning, abilities, beseeching thee daily by his ministers to be reconciled and amiable dispositions of John Hales are spoken unto him; and yet thou, on the other side, for a dis-of in the highest terms, not only by Clarendon, but tempered passionate speech, or less, should take upon by Bishop Pearson, Dr Heylin, Andrew Marvel, and thee to send thy neighbour's soul, or thine own, or Bishop Stillingfleet. He is styled by Anthony Wood likely both, clogged and oppressed with all your sins ⚫ a walking library ;'* and Pearson considered him to unrepented of (for how can repentance possibly conbe a man of as great a sharpness, quickness, and sist with such a resolution ?), before the tribunal-seat of God, to expect your final sentence; utterly de-subtilty of wit, as ever this or perhaps any nation priving yourself of all the blessed means which God has contrived for thy salvation, and putting thyself in such an estate, that it shall not be in God's power almost to do thee any good. Pardon, I beseech you, my earnestness, almost intemperateness, seeing that it hath proceeded from so just, so warrantable a ground; and since it is in your power to give rules of honour and reputation to the whole kingdom, do not you teach others to be ashamed of this inseparable badge of your religion-charity and forgiving of of fences: give men leave to be Christians without danger or dishonour; or, if religion will not work with you, yet let the laws of that state wherein you live, the earnest desires and care of your righteous prince, prevail with you.

JOHN HALES.

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bred. His industry did strive, if it were possible, to equal the largeness of his capacity, whereby he beversal learning, as ever yet conversed with books.'† came as great a master of polite, various, and uniHis extensive knowledge he cheerfully communicated to others; and his disposition being liberal, obliging, and charitable, made him, in religious matters, a determined foe to intolerance, and, in society, a highly agreeable companion. Lord Clarendon says, that nothing troubled him more than the brawls which were grown from religion; and he therefore exceedingly detested the tyranny of the church of Rome, more of other men, than for the errors in their own opifor their imposing uncharitably upon the consciences nions; and would often say, that he would renounce the religion of the church of England to-morrow, if it obliged him to believe that any other Christians should be damned; and that nobody would conclude another man to be damned, who did not wish him No man more strict and severe to himself; to other men so charitable as to their opinions, that he thought that other men were more in fault for their carriage towards them, than the men themselves were who erred; and he thought that pride and passion, more than conscience, were the cause of all separation from each other's communion.' John Aubrey, who saw him at Eton after his sequestration, describes him as 'a pretty little man, sanguine, of a cheerful countenance, very gentle and courteous.'

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JOHN HALES (1584-1656) is by Mosheim classed with Chillingworth, as a prominent defender of rational and tolerant principles in religion. He was highly distinguished for his knowledge of the Greek language, of which he was appointed professor at Oxford in 1612. Six years afterwards, he went to Holland as chaplain to Sir Dudley Carleton, am bassador at the Hague; and on this occasion he attended the meetings of the famous synod of Dort, the proceedings of which are recorded in his published letters to Sir Dudley. Till this time, he held the Calvinistic opinions in which he had been educated; but the arguments of the Arminian The style of his sermons is clear, simple, and in champion Episcopius, urged before the synod, made general correct; and the subjects are frequently him, according to his own expression, bid John illustrated with quotations from the ancient philoCalvin good night.' His letters from Dort are cha-sophers and Christian fathers.§ The subjoined exracterised by Lord Clarendon as the best memorial of the ignorance, and passion, and animosity, and injustice of that convention." Although the eminent learning and abilities of Hales would certainly have led to high preferment in the church, he chose rather to live in studious retirement, and accordingly withdrew to Eton college, where he had a private

* Clarendon's Life of Himself, i. 27.

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* Athenæ Oxon. xi. 124.

+ Preface to The Golden Remains of the Ever-memorable Mr John Hales.'

Aubrey's Lives of Eminent Persons, ii. 363.

In the year 1765, an edition of his works was published by Lord Hailes, who took the unwarrantable liberty of modernising the language according to his own taste. This, we learn from Boswell, met the strong disapprobation of Dr Johnson. 'An author's language, sir (said he), is a characteristical

tracts are from a sermon, Of Inquiry and Private your eyes to direct you, and your legs to support you, Judgment in Religion.

[Private Judgment in Religion.]

It were a thing worth looking into, to know the reason why men are so generally willing, in point of religion, to cast themselves into other men's arms, and, leaving their own reason, rely so much upon another man's. Is it because it is modesty and humility to think another man's reason better than our own? Indeed, I know not how it comes to pass, we account it a vice, a part of envy, to think another man's goods, or another man's fortunes, to be better than our own; and yet we account it a singular virtue to esteem our reason and wit meaner than other men's. Let us not mistake ourselves; to contemn the advice and help of others, in love and admiration to our own conceits, to depress and disgrace other men's, this is the foul vice of pride: on the contrary, thankfully to entertain the advice of others, to give it its due, and ingenuously to prefer it before our own if it deserve it, this is that gracious virtue of modesty but altogether to mistrust and relinquish our own faculties, and commend ourselves to others, this is nothing but poverty of spirit and indiscretion. I will not forbear to open unto you what I conceive to be the causes of this so general an error amongst men. First, peradventure the dregs of the church of Rome are not yet sufficiently washed from the hearts of many men. We know it is the principal stay and supporter of that church, to suffer nothing to be inquired into which is once concluded by them. Look through Spain and Italy; they are not men, but beasts, and, Issachar-like, patiently couch down under every burden their superiors lay upon them. Secondly, a fault or two may be in our own ministry; thus, to advise men (as I have done) to search into the reasons and grounds of religion, opens a way to dispute and quarrel, and this might breed us some trouble and disquiet in our cures, more than we are willing to undergo; therefore, to purchase our own quiet, and to banish all contention, we are content to nourish this still humour in our hearers; as the Sibarites, to procure their ease, banished the smiths, because their trade was full of noise. In the meantime, we do not see that peace, which ariseth out of ignorance, is but a kind of sloth, or moral lethargy, seeming quiet because it hath no power to move. Again, maybe the portion of knowledge in the minister himself is not over-great; it may be, therefore, good policy for him to suppress all busy inquiry in his auditory, that so increase of knowledge in them might not at length discover some ignorance in him. Last of all, the fault may be in the people themselves, who, because they are loath to take pains (and search into the grounds of knowledge is evermore painful), are well content to take their ease, to gild their vice with goodly names, and to call their sloth modesty, and their neglect of inquiry filial obedience. These reasons, beloved, or some of kin to these, may be the motives unto this easiness of the people, of entertaining their religion upon trust, and of the neglect of the inquiry into the grounds of it.

To return, therefore, and proceed in the refutation of this gross neglect in men of their own reason, and casting themselves upon other wits. Hath God given you eyes to see, and legs to support you, that so your selves might lie still, or sleep, and require the use of other men's eyes and legs? That faculty of reason which is in every one of you, even in the meanest that hears me this day, next to the help of God, is

part of his composition, and is also characteristical of the age in which he writes. Besides, sir, when the language is changed, we are not sure that the sense is the saine. No, sir; I am sorry Lord Hailes has done this.'-Boswell's Life of Johnson, iv. 282; edit. 1823.

in your course of integrity and sanctity; you may no more refuse or neglect the use of it, and rest your selves upon the use of other men's reason, than neglect your own and call for the use of other men's eyes and legs. The man in the gospel, who had bought a farm, excuses himself from going to the marriage-supper, because himself would go and see it but we have taken an easier course; we can buy our farm, and go to supper too, and that only by saving our pains to see it; we profess ourselves to have made a great purchase of heavenly doctrine, yet we refuse to see it and survey it ourselves, but trust to other men's eyes, and our surveyors and wot you to what end! I know not, except it be, that so we may with the better go to the marriage-supper; that, with Haman, we may the more merrily go in to the banquet provided for us; that so we may the more freely betake ourselves to our pleasures, to our profits, to our trades, to our preferments and ambition.

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Would you see how ridiculously we abuse ourselves when we thus neglect our own knowledge, and securely hazard ourselves upon others' skill? Give me leave, then, to show you a perfect pattern of it, and to report to you what I find in Seneca the philosopher, recorded of a gentleman in Rome, who, being purely ignorant, yet greatly desirous to seem learned, procured himself many servants, of which some he caused to study the poets, some the orators, some the historians, some the philosophers, and, in a strange kind of fancy, all their learning he verily thought to be his own, and persuaded himself that he knew all that his servants understood; yea, he grew to that height of madness in this kind, that, being weak in body and diseased in his feet, he provided himself of wrestlers and runners, and proclaimed games and races, and performed them by his servants; still applauding himself, as if himself had done them. Beloved, you are this man: when you neglect to try the spirits, to study the means of salvation yourselves, but content yourselves to take them upon trust, and repose yourselves altogether on the wit and knowledge of us that are your teachers, what is this in a manner but to account with yourselves, that our knowledge is yours, that you know all that we know, who are but your servants in Jesus Christ?

[Children Ready to Believe.]

Education and breeding is nothing else but the authority of our teachers taken over our childhood. Now, there is nothing which ought to be of less force with us, or which we ought more to suspect: for childhood hath one thing natural to it, which is a great enemy to truth, and a great furtherer of deceit: what is that? Credulity. Nothing is more credulous than a child: and our daily experience shows how strangely they will believe either their ancients or one another, in most incredible reports. For, to be able to judge what persons, what reports are credible, is a point of strength of which that age is not capable: The chiefest sinew and strength of wisdom, saith Epicharmus, is not easily to believe.' Have we not, then, great cause to call to better account, and examine by better reason, whatsoever we learned in so credulous and easy an age, so apt, like the softest wax, to receive every impression! Yet, notwithstanding this singular weakness, and this large and real exception which we have against education, I verily persuade myself, that if the best and strongest ground of most men's religion were opened, it would appear to be nothing else.

[Reverence for Ancient Opinions.] Antiquity, what is it else (God only excepted) but man's authority born some ages before us! Now, for

the truth of things, time makes no alteration; things are still the same they are, let the time be past, present, or to come. Those things which we reverence for antiquity, what were they at their first birth? Were they false?-time cannot make them true. Were they true?-time cannot make them more true. The circumstance, therefore, of time, in respect of truth and error is merely impertinent.

JOHN GAUDEN.

the king. Milton, who, as secretary to the council of state, wrote an answer to it, which he entitled Iconoclastes,' or The Image-breaker, alludes to the doubts which prevailed on the subject; but at this time the real history of the book was unknown. The first disclosure took place in 1691, when there appeared in an Amsterdam edition of Milton's 'Iconoclastes,' a memorandum said to have been made by the Earl of Anglesey, in which that nobleman affirms [Prevalence of an Opinion no Argument for its Truth.] he had been told by Charles II. and his brother that the Ikon Basilike' was the production of Gauden. Universality is such a proof of truth, as truth itself This report was confirmed in the following year by is ashamed of; for universality is nothing but a a circumstantial narrative published by Gauden's quainter and a trimmer name to signify the multi-former curate, Walker. Several writers then entude. Now, human authority at the strongest is but tered the field on both sides of the question; the weak, but the multitude is the weakest part of human principal defender of the king's claim being Wagauthority: it is the great patron of error, most easily staffe, a nonjuring clergyman, who published an abused, and most hardly disabused. The beginning elaborate Vindication of King Charles the Martyr,' of error may be, and mostly is, from private persons, in 1693. For ten years subsequently, the literary but the maintainer and continuer of error is the war continued; but after this there ensued a long multitude. interval of repose. When Hume wrote his history, the evidence on the two sides appeared so equally balanced, that, with regard to the genuineness of that production, it is not easy,' says he, 'for a historian to fix any opinion which will be entirely to his own satisfaction. The proofs brought to evince that this work is or is not the king's, are so convincing, that if any impartial reader peruse any one side apart, he will think it impossible that arguments could be produced sufficient to counterbalance so strong an evidence; and when he compares both sides, he will be some time at a loss to fix any determination.' Yet Hume confesses that to him the arguments of the royal party appeared the strongest. In 1786, however, the scale of evidence was turned by the publication, in the third volume of the Clarendon State Papers, of some of Gauden's letters, the most important of which are six addressed by him to Lord Chancellor Clarendon after the Restoration. He there complains of the poverty of the see of Exeter, to which he had already been appointed, and urgently solicits a further reward for the important secret service which he had performed to the royal cause. Some of these letters, containing allusions to the circumstance, had formerly been printed, though in a less authentic form; but now for the first time appeared one, dated the 13th of March 1661, in which he explicitly grounds his claim to additional remuneration, not on what was known to the world under my name, but what goes under the late blessed king's name, the Ikon or Portraiture of his majesty in his solitudes and sufferings. This book and figure,' he adds, was wholly and only my invention, making, and design; in order to vindicate the king's wisdom, honour, and piety.' Clarendon had before this learnt the secret from his own intimate friend, Morley, bishop of Worcester, and had otherwise ample means of investigating its truth: and not only does he, in a

JOHN GAUDEN was a theologian of a far more worldly and ambitious character than either of the three preceding divines. He was born in 1605, and when about thirty years of age became chaplain to the Earl of Warwick, one of the Presbyterian leaders, besides obtaining two preferments in the church. Being of a temporising disposition, he professed the opinions in vogue with the earl's party, and in 1640 preached before the house of commons a sermon which gave so much satisfaction, that the members not only voted thanks to him, but are said to have presented him with a silver tankard. Next year, the rich deanery of Bocking, in Essex, was added to his preferments; all of which, when the Presbyterian form of church government and worship was substituted for the Episcopal, he kept by conforming to the new order of things, though not without apparent reluctance. When the army resolved to impeach and try the king in 1648, he published A Religious and Loyal Protestation against their purposes and proceedings: this tract was followed in subsequent years by various other pieces, which he sent forth in defence of the cause of the royalists. But his grand service to that party consisted in his writing the famous Ikon Basiliké; or the Portraiture of his Most Sacred Majesty, in his Solitude and Sufferings, a work professing to emanate from the pen of Charles I. himself, and to contain the devout meditations of his latter days. There appears to have been an intention to publish this Portraiture' before the execution of the king, as an attempt to save his life by working on the feelings of the people; but either from the difficulty of getting it printed, or some other cause, it did not make its appearance till several days after his majesty's death. The sensation which it produced in his favour was extraordinary. It is not easy,' says Hume, to conceive the general compas-letter to Gauden, fully acquiesce in the unpalatable sion excited towards the king by the publishing, at so critical a juncture, a work so full of piety, meekness, and humanity. Many have not scrupled to ascribe to that book the subsequent restoration of the royal family. Milton compares its effects to those which were wrought on the tumultuous Romans by Antony's reading to them the will of Cæsar.' So eagerly and universally was the book perused by the nation, that it passed through fifty editions in a single year; and probably through its influence the title of Royal Martyr was applied to the king. It being of course desirable, for the interest of the ruling party, that the authenticity of the work should be discredited, they circulated a vague rumour that its true author was one of the household chaplains of

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statement, but, in his History of the Rebellion,' written at the desire of Charles I., and avowedly intended as a vindication of the royal character and cause, he maintains the most rigid silence with respect to the Ikon Basiliké-a fact altogether unaccountable, on the supposition that he knew Charles to be the author of what had brought so much advantage to the royal party, and that he was aware of the falsity of the report current among the opposite faction. Nor is it easy, on that supposition, to conceive for what reason the troublesome solicitations of Gauden were so effectual as to lead to his promotion, in 1662, to the bishopric of Worcester; a dignity, however, of which he did not long enjoy the fruits, for he died in the same year, through dis

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