public works, which were now of any importance, had been carried on and completed by means of the speculations of individuals and private bodies. There were, however, to this general principle, exceptions founded upon special circumstances, where the aid and interposition of government might be of effectual service, both with respect to the assistance actually afforded, and to the spirit excited by it, with a view to the furtherance of the objects sought to be carried into effect. It was upon the ground of special circum stances of this nature that pecuniary aid was afforded by government to the commercial body in 1793 and 1811, and which assistance was productive of the greatest advantage. The present bill was also founded upon special circumstances, which, though not altogether the same as those existing in 1793 and 1811, were nearly similar, the main object being to relieve the difficulties arising from a diminution of the circulating medium, and a deficiency of credit, by advancing money to carry on public works, and thereby giving employment to a number of the labouring poor, who could not otherwise obtain it. The two objects of the bill were, to advance money for the carrying on of public works, and also to parishes with a view to relieve the pressure of the poor-rates. With regard to the latter, he did not anticipate that there would be many calls for money, but if it should afford a relief in only a few instances, still the enact ment would be of considerable service. With regard to public works, he conceived that an advance of money for the purpose of commencing or carrying on works of public utility, would be, under the pressure of present circumstances, most beneficial in its consequences, by giving employment to a number of persons, for whose labour there was at this time no demand. The difficulties which existed had arisen from a combination of circumstances which peculiarly called for the special interposition of parliament. The depreciation of landed property, compared with its value for the last few years, had, in the first instance, created considerable embarrassment; but this evil, he believed, was now beginning to diminish, by the increasing value of that description of property. The depression of the manufacturing interest, another great evil, was to be attributed to the over-trade carried on for some years with the continent, and the consequent diminution of the demand (VOL. XXXVI.)

for our manufactures, which had necessarily thrown a number of persons out of employment, and lessened the demand for labour. Added to this was the effects of the late bad harvest, which, immediately increasing the price of provisions, at a period when the demand for labour had greatly diminished, unavoidably increased the pressure; but which also, by its operation on the continent, tended materially to increase the pressure upon the manufacturing interest. On the continent, with respect to the distress arising from the scarcity of food, the people were much worse off than in this country; and he had himself received accounts that day from Germany and France, respecting this subject, which were quite appalling. It of course followed, that provisions being raised on the continent to four times their former price, the incomes of a great number of persons were wholly employed in procuring subsistence, and they had no surplus whatever to lay out in articles of manufacture. This necessarily increased the pressure upon the manufacturing interest here, and precluded a demand for labour. It was under these special circumstances of pressure and difficulty, that he proposed to their lordships to agree to the present bill; and though, undoubtedly, time was the only effectual remedy, under the operation of which the pressure and difficulty would gradually cease, still this measure, as a temporary relief, would, he conceived, be of essential service.

The Earl of Lauderdale was glad to hear the noble lord advocate the general principle, that it was unwise in govern. ment to interfere in affording aid for the carrying on of public works which were best conducted by individuals as a speculation with a view to their own profit. He could not, however, see, that in the argument with regard to the exception, any good ground was laid for the present measure. The noble lord had himself admitted, that with respect to the proposed advances of money to parishes, the bill would be of no use; why, then, insert these clauses at all? The only effect would be to increase discontent. A gene. ral idea had gone forth, that this bill was to operate as a sort of general parochial relief, and what must necessarily be the effect of the disappointment but increased discontent? The measure was altogether one which it would be much better not to pass; and when he saw that after three (3.0)

months deliberation upon circumstances known at the commencement of the session, the only result was the present bill, under which money borrowed at 2 per cent. was to be lent at 5 per cent. thereby obtaining an usurious interest, he could not help thinking the bill little calculated. to make any favourable impression upon the public mind. The noble lord had maintained that the difficulties of the present period, with regard to the state of our manufactures, had arisen merely from a transition from war to peace, but this was by no means a true view of the question. The real facts were, that by means of the enormously increased expenditure of the country during a period of twenty years, there had been a greatly increased demand for our manufactures, and consequently a continually increasing demand for labour, by which population was naturally increased. The necessary consequence of a decrease in the public expenditure was, a diminished demand for manufactures and a diminished demand for labour with an increased population. How was it possible to find employment for the surplus labour for which there was thus no demand? The noble lord proposed a partial relief by giving employment to a certain portion of labour, but this would only aggravate the evil. The money advanced was to be repaid at the end of two years, and then there would only be an increase of the evil in the accumulation of unemployed labour. Thus there would be in point of fact, no remedy for the evil, whilst another evil of no small moment would be created.

The money was to be advanced upon the security of individuals, but in such a way and with such means of recovering it by immediate process of law, that persons might well hesitate to become security under such circumstances; and what was the consequence? that the higher classes were unjustly held up as objects of detestation to the lower ranks, already too prone to make attacks upon persons of property. What, besides, would be the effect of the advances for carrying on public works with regard to the employment of the poor in the neighbourhoods of those works; persons having to carry on works with a view to profit, would of course employ the best workmen at the cheapest rate; they would seek for them wherever they were to be found, and bring them to the spot, without any regard whatever to the poor of the immediate neighbourhood. Under all

these circumstances, he thought it would be much better to postpone the bill. The bill was read a third time and passed.

FE

HOUSE OF COMMONS. Tuesday, June 10. PUNISHMENT OF WHIPPING MALES.] General Thornton moved for leave to bring in a bill to abolish the public whipping of females: he had been more especially led to this by an article which had appeared in the Inverness Journal, which stated, that a woman, young and beautiful, had been whipped in the public streets-that she was in a state of intoxication, seemed quite lost to every sense of her situation, and shortly returned to her old courses. Spectacles such as this were not likely to improve the public morals. The punishment had been partially abolished in England, and he proposed to abolish it entirely, by commuting the punishment for hard labour in a workhouse, for a period not exceeding three months.

The motion was agreed to.

said, he had no intention, in the motion which he was about to submit to the House, to reflect in the slightest degree on those gentlemen who held the situations of commissioners of bankrupts. He knew the numerous difficulties under which they laboured, and he was aware, that, in the circumstances in which they were placed, they performed their duty better than could be expected from them. The evils, however, of the present system were intolerable. In proof of this he referred to the numerously and respectably signed petition which he had presented to the House on the subject, and which conveyed the sense of all the commercial interest of the metropolis, complaining that the place allotted in Guildhall for the business was totally inadequate for the purpose. The crowd and the noise rendered it impossible to enter into a proper investigation of the proof of debts. This might easily be remedied. But the most material evil was, that a system of horrible and scandalous fraud existed in the administration of the Bankrupt Laws-to such a degree, indeed, that of the number of bankruptcies within the last two or three years, half the bankrupts made no dividends at all. Many other grievances he

sult would be, an increase of the national burthens and ministerial patronage. The cabinet would in 4 years have the power of engrossing for their own behoof 9,000l.: and if the ministers had the good fortune to stick to their places for 4 years, they would have at their disposal 18,000l. They made no question about the falling in of sinecures: they only thought of the increase of their patronage. He was of opinion, that no pension should be conferred till the consolidated fund had the benefit of the falling in of an equivalent sinecure salary. The bill, he thought, ought to be sent back to the committee to be amended. He stated these objections; he would ground no motion upon them. A triumphant answer to them might be expected from the noble lord; but he could not disprove figures. He had no reluctance to remunerate meritorious civil officers, but the measure should be carried into effect in a way that, under the pretence of economy and of a saving to the public, should not increase the public burthens or the ministerial patronage.

Lord Castlereagh said, it was rather strange that the right hon. gentleman should have been so long silent, if he really relied on the deductions of his own reasoning; and that he had suffered two bills to pass, and to be carried up to the Lords, without opposition, which were much more objectionable, in every point of view, than the present. The right hon. gentleman had acted unfairly in leaving out the savings that would fall in from the abolition of the offices in Ireland. This was a most important omission when calculating the amount of the future balance to the public from the present measures. The compensation was given in lieu of all the offices, and the right hon. gentleman had compared its amount with the aggregate salaries of only a part. The right hon. gentleman had said, that in two years 11,000l. of pensions would accrue to the Crown from this bill, and in four years 18,000l. This statement he (lord C.) denied. Without including the supernumerary pensions which would be placed at the disposal of the Crown, only 5,500l. would be placed in the power of government at the end of the first two years; and, at the end of four years, only 13,000l. There was no probability that the 42,000l. which was the amount of the pension list created by this bill, would ever be in complete operation at the same time. The discharge of 30,000l. was probably as

high as it would go. The right hon. gentleman had, however, taken the pensions at the highest, and the sinecures at the lowest estimate, exaggerating in the one case, and omitting in the other. The noble lord seeing no reason to alter his opinion, would give this measure his full support. He could conceive no other object which the right hon. gentleman had in view, by disgusting the House and the country with the observations he had stated, but to make a speech; as he proposed no amendment, and concluded with no motion. Why did he not oppose the proceeding in the committee? Why did he not state his opinions earlier? or, why did he now state them at all? Had he turned his back on his old friends, and was he prepared to disgust the country by op posing a measure less exceptionable than the one he formerly supported? His opposition, he hoped, would have no effect against the adoption of a measure of undeniable economy; manifesting a sincere desire to meet the reasonable wishes of the people by a great sacrifice of patronage, and an important retrenchment of expenditure.

Mr. Calcraft contended, that by this measure the public would be a gainer by the difference between 100,000l. and 42,000l. besides they would be getting rid of offices odious to the country. Further reductions might also be made in the pension list, which could be applied towards the pensions created by this bill.

The report was then ordered to be brought up. Mr. D. Gilbert moved several clauses, which were agreed to. Mr. Calcraft moved a clause, "That any person who may accept a pension under this act, shall vacate his seat in parliament."

Mr. Canning objected to the clause. The acceptance of a place caused the seat of a member to be vacated, because the member was supposed to be thereby more under the influence of the Crown, and was therefore sent back to his constituents, to determine how far he was still worthy of their confidence; but in the ac ceptance of a pension the case was quite different, for the pension was received on retiring from office, and at a time when the person ceased to be under the influence of government.

Lord Milton contended, that the pensions were a substitution for offices, on re ceiving which members were obliged to vacate their seats.

Mr. Robinson said, the pensions under