had alluded, the aggressors and the victims of outrage were all Catholics alike. Lord Jocelyn assured the House, that for the last three or four years there had been a system of intimidation in some parts of Ireland, which prevented the due exe ling to put into the hands of government, | a power so formidable, as that now called for. Could they with any degree of propriety, assent to a measure of this nature, merely on the statement of the right hon. gentleman, without any previous inquiry? The right hon. gentleman stated, that out-cution of justice. He was perfectly conrages had recently taken place in the county of Louth; but could the existence of outrages, in a particular county, justify the renewal of a measure that affected an entire people? The law as it now existed, appeared to him to be perfectly sufficient to meet every emergency. The state of Ireland did not demand so strong a measure as this, and he hoped the right hon. gentleman would re-consider the question, before he pressed the continuation of so severe a statute. Mr. Leslie Foster declared, that no person could lament more than he did the necessity for the adoption of this measure. Wherever the law met with the co-operation of the people, or was not opposed by the people, he would trust the protection of the peace of the country to its ordinary operation; but if in any part of the country the people evinced a determination to put down the law of the land, and to have no law but their own will, in such an instance to talk of the ordinary constitution as sufficient to preserve the public tranquillity was to utter an absolute fallacy. The fact was, that in the counties of Limerick, Tipperary, and Louth, until the insurrection act was put in force, there was no hope of any of the prosecutors or witnesses, in cases of trial for the outrages committed in those counties, escaping being murdered. Under those circumstances, it was impossible to think of resorting merely to the trial by jury. The hon. and learned gentleman wished to postpone the adoption of the measure for the sake of obtaining information. The fact was, that there was then on the table of the House, all the information which the Irish government possessed with respect to the subject. That information proved the paramount necessity of giving to the ordinary law of the land some powerful ally, without whose aid, indeed, it was impossible that it could be put into effective operation. He positively denied the accuracy of the hon. and learned gentleman's supposition, that the existing disturbances had arisen out of any religious differences, or was at all attributable to the votes of that House in hostility to the Catholic claims. The fact was, that in the three counties to which he vinced that government had made every exertion to put down the disturbances by the ordinary law of the land, before they applied for any extraordinary powers. The outrages in that part of the country in which he resided had been of the most alarming kind, but they were not at all occasioned by religious animosities, as the Roman Catholics had been equally the sufferers and the aggressors. This law was intended to protect both Catholics and Protestants, and he could not help entering his protest against the declarations of hon. members, who, whenever disturbances in Ireland were mentioned, ascribed them to the evil of not granting what was called emancipation. Every day's experience taught him, that the calamities of that country arose, principally, from the absence of those gentlemen who ought to reside on their estates, and who, while they diffused happiness around them, should set a good example to the interior orders of the community. This was the source of all the evils of that unhappy country; and unless the gentlemen of Ireland would return to their native land, and live among their tenants, neither the commutation of tithes nor any other measure would be of any avail. This, and this only, could afford security to the peace and welfare of Ireland. General Mathew acknowledged, that Ireland had suffered much from the absence of her great landholders and wealthy gentlemen; but what had occasioned their absence? It was brought about by the act of union: and how that act had been effected was so well known, that it was unnecessary for him to repeat it. He positively denied that the insurrection act had led to the discovery and arrest of the mur derers of Mr. Baker. With respect to religious disputes, he believed that they had nothing to do with the disturbances in the county of Louth. But why were all the other counties to be subjected to the operation of this law? The county of Louth was the smallest county in Ireland: it was the Rutlandshire of England. Nothing could be done to secure the tranquillity of that country without a fair and equal distribution of justice. At present he knew well, that one person was believed at the Castle whilst the testimony of another was discredited. He implored the House to consider fully the actual situation of Ireland, and to afford every relief which that fine that generous people had a right to demand at their hands. Mr. W. Quin felt it to be his duty to vote for the measure, on the ground of its absolute necessity. To allow the bill to expire would be, in fact, to cast an indirect censure, on the government and magistracy of Ireland, by whom its continuance had been declared to be indispensable. Sir F. Flood, as a representative of Ireland, could not refrain from declaring, that the bill appeared to him to be one of the many measures of benefit to Ireland originated and matured by the right hon. chief secretary for that country, to whom Ireland was most materially indebted for his exertions. The present was a protecting bill. It would protect from outrage the Catholic as well as the Protestant. He had received letters from Ireland announcing that they were perfectly satisfied in that country with the recent decision in parliament; that they relied on their wisdom for ultimate success, and that they were very grateful to the respectable English, Scotch, and Welch minority, who supported their cause. He was happy to say that the present bill was not founded on any immediate necessity whatever [a laugh]. He should support the bill. Sir W.Burroughs said, he had heard nothing to convince him that this measure was necessary. A force had been voted for Ireland, of 25,000 troops to preserve the peace in that country. The right hon. secretary for Ireland had said that this bill was not called for by any thing like treason or rebellion. But the very grounds on which it had been originally introduced was, to meet treason and rebellion. There was, therefore, nothing to justify the House in passing such an act now in a time of profound peace, when neither insurrection nor treason were alleged to exist, If any such measure was necessary, it ought to be more moderate. This bill might be withdrawu, and after being so modified as to make it more consonant to the constitution, but yet efficient enough for the evils which called for it, it might be again introduced during the present session. He entreated the right hon. gentleman to do this, that the House might gradually retrace its steps, from the extraor HOUSE OF COMMONS. RESIGNATION OF Palace-yard, May 30. "Sir;-It is with the sincerest concern and regret, that I feel myself obliged to request that you will inform the House of Commons at their meeting this day, of my inability, from continued illness, to attend any longer upon their service. "After holding the high office to which I have been raised by their favour in five successive parliaments, it is impossible that I should resign so honourable and distinguished a situation, without feeling the deepest gratitude for the constant kindness with which they have been pleased to accept and assist my humble endeavours to discharge its various and arduous duties. "It was my earnest wish and hope to have continued longer in the service of the House, if such were their pleasure, but the interruption of public business which has been already occasioned by my state of health, and the apprehension of the same cause recurring, which might again expose the House to the like inconvenience, have made me deem it necessary that I should retire at this time, and have left me now no farther duty to perform than to return my heartfelt acknowledgments to the House for all the favours they have bestowed upon me, and to express my fervent wishes for the perpetual maintenance and preservation of its rights, its privileges, and its independence.—I am, Sir, always most truly yours, "CHARLES ABBOT." "To Jeremiah Dyson, Esq deputy, clerk of the House of Commons." proposing to fill the Chair of this House; for after endeavouring to divest myself of all feelings of private esteem and regard, (strong as I frankly avow these feelings to be) my opinion of his qualifications is fully confirmed. And I can with since better qualified had presented himself to my judgment, I should have held it due both to my own character and to the high respect I bear towards this House, to have withdrawn myself from the present undertaking. The state of the parliament, now ap If Lord Castlereagh said, that from the communication just read, the House, as well as himself, must feel the great loss which they had sustained by the resignation of their Speaker. On this subject he was sure there could be no difference of opinion, and he felt it to be quite unne-rity assure the House, that if a person cessary to dwell on the merits of the speaker, which were so long and so well known [Hear, hear!]. He would merely propose that the House adjourn till Monday next, when it was probable he should have a communication from the Prince Regent, marking the estimation in which the Speaker was held by that illus-proaching the conclusion of its fifth sestrious person; and when the House could sion, renders it unnecessary to trespass proceed to the election of a new Speaker. long on the attention of the House. -Adjourned till Monday. we were at the commencement of a new parliament, when many members would probably be present for the first time, it might be expedient for the purpose of endeavouring to conduct the House to a proper choice to state in some detail the duties of this important station and the requisite qualities of a Speaker. But there can now be hardly a member present to whom such a statement is in any Lord Castlereagh rose, and said he was degree recessary. If it were, it might, commanded by his royal highness the perhaps, be better effected by a single Prince Regent to acquaint the House, sentence, than by the most laboured dethat their late Speaker having communi- tail. It would require only to desire the cated to his Royal Highness that he was House to recall to its recollection, what compelled, from indisposition, to quit the can never be effaced from its memory, chair; and his Royal Highness being an. those qualities which were concentrated xious that no further delay should arise to and exemplified in our late, highly distinthe progress of public business, had sig-guished, and justly venerated Speaker. To nified his wish that they should immediately proceed to the election of a new Speaker. Then, HOUSE OF COMMONS. Monday, June 2. CHOICE OF A SPEAKER.] At four o'clock there was an unusually full at tendance of members. The serjeant having brought the mace, and laid it under the table, Sir John Nicholl (addressing himself to the deputy clerk, who standing up, pointed to him, and then sat down) spoke as follows: Mr. Dyson; In rising to address the House, after having been indulged upon a similar occasion at the commencement of the present parliament, I feel great apprehension of incurring the charge of presumption; but I can assure the House, that it is with much reluctance I offer myself to its attention-a reluctance arising, partly from a fear of the imputation already alluded to, but still more from knowing that the task could hardly have devolved upon a person less capable of doing justice to the subject. I beg leave, at the same time, distinctly to declare, that my reluctance in no degree arises from any hesitation in respect to the fitness of the person whom I shall have the honour of lament his resignation and the cause of it, is not the business of the present moment. To do justice to his merits by any panegyric I could attempt to bestow upon them, would be as impossible as it is unnecessary. If his successor, whoever he may be, should be under some disadvantage in following so much excellence, he will at the same time while endeavouring to trace his steps, and to pursue his course, have the benefit of being conducted by the light of his example. The business of the Chair, in modern times, from the number and nature of private bills, growing out of the increased wealth and population of the country, has assumed a character, which is pretty generally admitted to render it expedient that we should select for our Speaker a person of professional education. In venturing to mention the name of my right hon. friend, Mr. Manners Sutton, as the person whom I intend to propose to the House, I shall not be departing from this course. He was educated to the bar, and practised for some time with considerable promise; but not so long as to have acquired habits, which are sometimes (perhaps justly) thought to be unfavourable to an enlightened, and extended view of constitutional and parliamentary laws, and of general policy. He has since filled an office peculiarly well adapted to prepare his habits, and his mind for the Chair of this House. An office requiring much, industrious investigation of written documents, the weighing of evidence, and the forming of an opinion with judicial impartiality and precision. The highly satisfactory manner in which he has executed the office of judge-advocate-general is not wholly unknown to the House. We have occasionally had opportunities of witnessing with reference to military offences, and trials, the soundness of his judgment, as well as the candour and fairness with which that judgment has been formed. He has sat a considerable time in parliament, and although he has not usually taken a leading part upon matters of order, and the course of our proceedings, yet I have reason to believe, that he has not been an inattentive observer of those subjects; that the law of parliament, and the rights, privileges, and usages of this House, have been particular objects of his private study. To advert to other qualities more obvious to common observation is hardly necessary, and might be improper; but if integrity of character, dignity of mind, suavity of temper, conciliatory manners, promptness of apprehension, clearness of expression, and impartiality of decision, be requisite to fill the Chair, I will venture to appeal to the observation of the members of this House, whether those requisites will be sought for in vain, in my right hon. friend. It is unnecessary to disguise from the House, that a rumour prevails, or rather an understanding exists, that another gentleman is to be proposed to fill the Chair. For that gentleman I also entertain high esteem and respect. The House, I hope, will have done me the justice to observe, that I have carefully abstained from the odious task of making any comparison, or offering a single observation that could possibly be tortured into such an intention. We have doubtless amongst us more than one person competent to fill this high situation, arduous and important as its duties are. Each individual stands recommended to his friends by his own merits. The only difficulty which the House will have in its choice, I trust, will be "inter bonos optimum discernere." Without therefore wishing in the slightest degree to detract from the merits of any other gentleman who may be proposed, I have only to repeat with the greatest truth, and sincerity, that I can most conscientiously recommend to the adoption of the House the motion with which I shall now conclude,-I move, "That the right hon. Charles Manners Sutton do take the Chair of this House." Mr. E. J. Littleton rose and said: Mr. Dyson;-In rising to second the motion of the right hon. gentleman, I must express what I sincerely feel-my inability to offer any thing to the House which can add force to his statement; and I can assure you, that no consideration would have induced me to undertake the task of following him, unless I had been encouraged to attempt it by a sincere and cordial agreement in the propriety of his recommendation. I feel, however, one motive of personal satisfaction in addressing the House on this occasion. I rejoice in the opportunity of adding my humble testimony to the merits of the Speaker, whose loss we are unanimous in lamenting. He has retired much too soon for the public good, and the advantage of this House, of which he has maintained the privileges and exalted the character; not, indeed, too soon for his own reputation; and I ardently hope he has not remained in his station too long for his own health, injured by the strict performance of its constant and arduous duties; or too long for the future exertion of his abilities in the civil service of the country. It is a custom founded in justice and good feeling, which, at the election of a new Speaker, prescribes our commemoration of the good qualities of his predecessor. But in the present instance it possesses the more obvious advantage of utility; for I will venture to assert, that by a diligent and successful imitation of the industry, the firmness, and the temper of Mr. Abbot, every future Speaker of this House will be secure of receiving their good opinion and support. In describing the qualities requisite for his successor, I have only to refer to his example. Let the House recollect the period during which he has filled the chair, with equal honour to himself and to this House-a period which will be most con spicuous in the history of our country. I in which he has filled a high and arduous station in the law, conciliating the regard of those who have dissented from his pub lic opinions, the House possesses the best assurance and pledge, that he will display in presiding over their deliberations, that union of firmness and temper, by which alone the order and dignity of their proceedings can be preserved. The contests of party have never been more animated or more violent, yet his character for impartiality, the most essential requisite of his station, has not been sullied by the breath of suspicion. During the same period, the House has witnessed within these walls, on many trying occasions, the exertion of talents, to which it is not easy to discover a parallel in any former epoch of our history? yet they had always found our representative superior to the difficulties of the times; and in every emergency, when our character or our privileges have been at stake, his conduct has fully justified our confidence; and we have felt ourselves elevated in the public opinion, by his firmness, his dignity, and his integrity This period has also been made illustrious by the exploits of naval and military success, which in every part of the globe have raised the name of England to an eminence of unexampled glory; and it is in this House, it is in the free suffrages, and gratuitous applause of their fellow citizens, that our victorious officers have received the best recompence of their bravery; and learnt to engraft on the love of military fame and distinction, respect and affection for the constitution of the country. I will appeal to them-and many are present to answer my appeal whether they have not felt the value of this reward enhanced beyond measure by the manner in which it has always been bestowed; and whether the eloquence, the feelings and the discriminating praise, of the late Speaker, did not confer additional brilliancy on their services, exalting them in their own estimation, and animating them to renewed exertions in the cause of England and of Europe. Mr. Dickinson said, he was desirous of occupying but a very short space of the attention of the House, while he recom. mended another hon. gentleman to the office of Speaker. He would propose for their choice, Mr. Charles Watkin Williams Wynn, a gentleman whose talents and qualifications peculiarly fitted him for the chair, and whose merits no one could deny. He would follow the example so properly set him by the honourable gentleman opsite, and would not enter into the comparative merits of the two hon. members. He proposed Mr. Wynn, not for any demerit in Mr. Manners Sutton, but from the peculiar merits of his hon. friend. In what had been said in praise of the former he cordially joined; but if that eulogium was deserved by him, in what respect was his honourable friend inferior or less deserving? Nay, he would even go farther, and say, that in some respects his claim was superior, as being founded in the experience of talents as displayed in the debates of the House, and his acknowledged acquaintance with its forms and history. In the knowledge of the orders of parliament, and in questions of division, that were particularly important from the state of parties, his hon. friend had displayed peculiar aptitude for the Chair. It was not many days ago that he had set the House right on a question of this kind, when even the late Speaker, eminently qualified as he was The ample and forcible manner in for all parts of his duty, had acted on his which the right hon. gentleman has stated suggestion, and bowed to his superior the claims of Mr. Manners Sutton to fill knowledge. It was this intimate acquaintthe chair, has left no excuse for my de-ance with the forms and precedents of taining the House by a repetition of the parliament, and this promptitude in applystatement. There is a stronger reasoning them to regulate its proceedings, that that restrains me from dwelling on the subject at so much length as I am desirous of doing. To the right hon. gentleman it may be said, " Presenti tibi maturos largimur honores." His presence must check the effusion even of just and merited panegyric. To the integrity of his character or the reputation of his abilities, acquired within the walls of this House, it would be superfluous to add my feeble testimony; and in the able manner constituted the best qualification for the Chair; and for those qualities his hon. friend was eminently distinguished. This praise did not depend upon report-it did not spring from the partiality of friendsthe House had been a witness of the fact. His hon. friend might say, like a great ancient to another assembly, and in another competition" Nec memoranda vobis mea facta, Pelasgi, esse reor; vidistis enim." We lived in times of great diffi |