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That it is with pleasure and satisfaction we reflect, that a negotiation so desirable in itself cannot be deemed inconsistent with any of those rules
campaign; but it is represented, on the part of his Imperial Majesty, that these cssirts cannot be made without the assistance of a loan, which his Imperial Mijesty is desirous of railing on the credit of the revenues of his hereditary dominions, under the guarantee of his Majesty with the concurrence of Parliament.
With regard to our other German allies, Parliament has this year voted To the Elector of Hanover £495>^5S - Landgrave of Hefll-Caffel 333>*53 ----- Hesse Darmstadt i6,«y6 And to the Duke of Brunswick 91,14.x The King of Sardinia receives annually, by treaty 100,000 The reduced situation of Spain may be collected from the nature of the resources it had recourse to even during the last campaign.
Extracl from the Madrid Gazette, Sept. md, 1794. "The various events of war having, since the commencement of this second campaign, occasioned great expences and losses which could not be foreseen when the calculation of the necessary funds to conduct it were made in the outset, and it having become indispensible to seek new means to secure the interest, and the considerable capital which will be wanted to provide with the fame cxictnels as heretofore for thelubtistence and maintenance of the armies and the fleet, my paternal feelings do not permit me to burden afresh the poorer part of my subjects, who, on account of their great number, contribute in a larger proportion to the exigencies of the state, and at the fame time, with immense hazards and fatigues, expose their persons for the defence of all. I have thought justice and equity required', that the more easy classes—the most affluent, and those who receive more immediate benefi's from the government—should contribute with its property towards the expence: Upon this principle, and by t lie unanimous opinion of my council of state, among other things I have resolved, that, from the first of the ensuing month of September, a deduction (hall be made in the respective pay offices, from all salaries, pensions, grants, or other assignments, enjoyed by the persons employed in my royal service, be it in what department soever (the military alone excepted), cither in Spain or in the Indies, of 4 per cent. 011 their gross amount, provided it exceeds 800 ducados (about £isio) per ami. and that the fame be also deducted from the military enjoying the iank of mareschal de camp inclusively, who arc not in the actual service, observing that the exception I grant to the other officers of my army and navy, not serving the campaign, extends merely to their pay according lo rank, and not the pensions, salaries, or other grants they may have in -any other, even should it be of a military nature; and the amount of all such deductions to cont'uue not longf-r than two years after the termination of this war, (hall be pai l from the respective offices into mv chief treasury. And moreover, jny counsellors of flute having represented to me with tkemost ardent and patrioticzeal, th 1 the deduction in their salaries might be 15 per cent, since, convinced os the j u/lire and necessity of the luar, they iverc ready to make not only such a sacrifice, but to extend it even to tbe;r li ves and fortunes; I have thought expedient to accept of their loyal and gracious bfferj ar|d in consequence, the deduction of 25 percent, (hall be made from the salary of every individual counsellor of state, upon the same terms, and under the fame lestrictions and direction as the deduction of 4 per cent, qforementioned from the salaries of all other placemen and pensioners."
The •f the law of nations, which the witlom of ages and the common consent
of mank-nd have consecrated as tiie leafing principles of national intercourse. For ' every nation which governs itself, under what form soever, 'without any dependence on foreign power, ii a sovereign state*,' and the existence of government acquiesced in by the people under its confioul, is the only feature in the condition of a country to which foreign powers, for the purpose of discovering a capacity of negotiation, ought t» direct their attention, there being no form os government which has not shewn itself capable of maintaining the accuilouied relations of peace ana unity with other countries t
The clergy in clerical courts are largely taxed by consent of his Holiness the Pup?.
The mlitary orders, national as well as foreign, are taxed 8 per cent, on ail their incomes in money, and 11 per cent, on all incomes in kind, by an order dated 4th February 1795.
Paper dollars have been issued to an immense amount.
t We find it slated by a modern author of received authority, that the same power who has a light of -making war, ot'dcclaring it, or directing its operations, has naturally that of making and concluding a treaty ot pence: These two powers are connected together, and the litter natuially follows tin former. Hcellewliere states^ that a right of embassy (which undoubtedly implies a capacity to negotiate) is incident to the existence of z jiveTeignJla e. And in another remarkable passage it is laid down, that toieign nitions may receive ambassadors and other ministers, even from an usurper, niid send such Ministers to him. The doctrine is asserted by the author in the following clear and explicit terms i
"Before I close this chapter, it will be proper to examine a question, semens for being often debited, whether foreign nations may receive ambassadors and other ministers of un usurper, and lend such ministers to him. Here foreign powers, if the advantage of their affairs invites iliem to it, follow pcslession; there is no rule mere ceitain, or more agreeable to the law of nations and the indepepdency of them. As foreigners have no right to interfere in tin, domestic concerns of a people, they arc not obliged to canvass and inspect its economy in those particulars, or to weigh cither the justice or injustice of them. They may, if they think pioper, suppose (lie light to be annexed to the possllicn. When a nation has expelled its loveicign, the other powers, wlvch are not willing to declaie against it> and would not draw on thtmlelvcs its aims or enmity, consider that nation as a free and sovereign state, without taking on themselves to determine whether it has acted justly La withdrawing from the allegiance of subjects and dethroning the piince. Cardinal M:-7arine received Lockhart, who had been sent as ambassador from the republic of England, and would neither fee K11U Charles the Second nor his minilleis. If a nation, after driving oi|t its piince, submits to am-ther, or changes the order of succession, and acknowledges a sovereign to the prejudice of the natural and appointed heir, foreign powers may here likewile consider what has been done as legal—it is no quarrel or business of thcii s. At the beginning of the last century, Charles, Duke of Sudcrmani.i, having obtained the crown of Sweden, to th* prejudice of Sigilmund, King of Poland, his nephew, was soon acknowledged by most sovcrc t;ns. ViUery, inrn'stVr of Henry the Fourth, King i f France, at that ccurt, -in a memoir os the Sell of April 160?, plainly said to
"That if doubt should any where exist on this subject, a« the* law of stations itself is a rule of action growing out of the common consent of independent states, it cannot fail to be removed by the acquiescence in these doctrines of so considerable a number of those powers, whose united authority forms the only competent tribunal in questions of such universal importance to the rights of nations.
"We cannot therefore reflect on the intercourse maintained by Prance with the United States of America, as well as with the neutral powers of Europe during the whole of the present war»; on the treaties lately con. eluded with the Duke of Tuscany, the King of Prussia, and the provisional government of Holland j on the negotiations that have been carrieil on by Spain, and on the strong declarations of desire to negotiate, recently made by his Majesty's intimate ally, the Emperor, as head or the Germanic
the president Jeanin, All these reasons and considerations JbalL not binder theKing from treating with Charles, if Le finds it to his interest, and that ot' his kingdom." • Vattel, b. ivi e. a.;
• ExtraS oj an Answer from the Republic of Genoa to the Official Note front the Emperor, dated February 1794.
«' That at present the republic was-most grievoufly oppressed by the British mvy; that there was no probability of the French committing any violation ot' territory against the republic, because that nation had always more particularly respeSed the neutrality of Genoa than the combined powers; and that above all, the republic ot' Genoa was determined to persevere in the observance of the strictest neutrality."
ExtraS from Counter-Declaration of the Court of Denmark, in Reply to the Memorial delivered by the British Minister.
"The nation (meaning France) is true, and the authority whi»h it acknowledges is that to which application is made in cafes concerning iiniiviiluals. The commercial connexions subsist likewise in the same manner as they did between England and France, as long as the latter chose to preserve peace. The nation has not ceased to acknowledge her treaties With us, at least (he conforms herself agreeable to those treaties. As (he appeals to them, so do we appeal to them—and frequently with good success, both for out selves, and even in favour of those lubjestj of the belligerent powers who commit their effects to the protection of our flag. In «ase of refusal and delay, we have frequently been obliged to hear often and reluctantly, that they only used to make reprisals, since the nations with whom they iveie at war, (hewed as little regard to their treaties with us; and thus the neutral flag becomes the victim of errors which it cannot reproach itself wish. The, path of justice still continues open in France."
ExtraS from tbeEdiSof the Grand Duke of'Tuscany, issued in Mafch 1795, announcing the Peace -with France*
"Whilst his Royal Higb/iess enjoyed the satisfaction of seeing that Tuscany, superior, as it were, to the occurrences of the times, rested peaceful and quiet on that neutrality, which was constantly respected by tbe French republic, he found himself involved iu thoi'i uuplcasaiu.uansactieiiis, which, are already known to all Europe,"
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body*, and seriously maintain a doubt of that capacity to negotiate which ib many powerful and independent states have acknowledged, and to whose decision his Majesty has added the acquiescence, and ia a manner the authority of this country by a late million to the continent to negotiate an exchange of prisoners. For we humbly conceive that a nation cannot absolutely be thought incapable of maintaining the accustomed relations of peace and amity, which is treated with, as capable of preserving and performing the stipulations which may be entered into for the humane and civilized purpose of alleviating the rigours of wars.
* Rescript of the F.n:prror, presented by the Imperial Minister to the Ministers OJ the States of the Germanic Entire, at Ratijbtn, the 4th of Maj 1795
"The ministers of his Imperial Majesty are charged to declare, in the name of his Majesty, the Emperor and King, to the envoys representing the several Princes and States of the holy Roman Empire, that hit Majesty is ready to enter into negotiations mvitb the French republic. His Majesty, without being too mindful of his own interest, will consult thereby the real Welfare of the Empire, and make it his sole care to procure to the Empire an acceptable, solid, and permanent peace. But his Imperial Majesty has also, at the same time, the jtist confidence in all his co-states of the Empire, that they will co-operate with all their power, to accomplish this desirable end, and not enter into separate negotiations with the French republic. His Imperial Majesty expects, however, the speediest declarations on this subject, and the Imperial Commissioner will soon present a declaration from the Emperor and King, explanatory of the sentiments of his Imperial Majesty. In other rcsptcts, his Imperial Majesty connot conceal, that the separate treaty of peace concluded on the part ct his Piull'.an Majesty, even in his quality of a Prince and co-state of the Empire, has beta tuost unexpected to him."
f The following has been reported in conversation at the particulars of Sir Frederick Eden's mission to France:
Sir Frederick was received at Dieppe by a French Commissioner, who iavited him to a conscience, at which the object of the mission was explained. The Commissioner afterwards set off to Paris, inviting Sir Frederick to accompany him; an invitation which was refused by Sir Frederick, who had not received any directions to proceed thither. Indue time the Commissioner returned, and informed the English Ambassador, that to an exchange of sailors on equal terms, the French Government could on no t account consent; but that he was ready to treat with him with respect to any other objects. (OJ this Lord Grcnville stated in debate he had no knowledge.) Sir Fredeiick is said to have replied, that the French Commissioner might have spared himself the trouble of coming from Paris, and might have conveyed the determination of the French government by letter. The French Commissioner said, that he was directed to return to Dieppe, for the purpose of doing away the suspicion that had been circulated, that the French republic would not treat with a monarchy \ and of declaring that the French would treat with any country, "whatever was its form of government. At the same time ht; assured Sir Frederick, that, though the republic would not consent to an exchange of sailors, yet 'that any officers mould be suffered to return to England, if Sir Frederick would make out a list of their names; and that the republic would be contented with a promise from Sir Frederick, that an equal number of French officers should be permitted to return to France, . ,. ■' i . f* That
"That we humbly beg leave to assure his Majesty, that in thus anxiously recommending a speedy negotiation for peace, we do not merely contemplate the general advantages which this country always derives from a state of repose and-public tranquillity. But as we have seen with grief (whilst we have been occupied in considering the capacity of the present government of Fiance to treat) successive desertions from that geneial system of alliance on which his Majesty and his people chiefly grounded hopes of success, so if this reluctance to treat should continue, we cannot Dow help anticipating with poignant regret the eventful moment when Great Britain may be reduced to the sod alternative of either providing for the expences of all the allies, or of singly maintaining a protracted, and destructive war in a cause not originally her own *, and in which tbit country was embarked with the assurances of the active and zealous support of almost every European power -f.
"That it is with confidence we therefore trust, that his Majesty's gracious and benevolent mind will be impressed by the separate and combined effects of those powerful considerations, which we the more anxiously press upon his Majesty, as we approach his throne under a "sincere and Irresistible conviction, that the sense of the nation with whom his Majesty is engaged In hostilities, as well .... the disposition of its present government, affords no unfavourable opportunity fur negotiation J j and that an ardent and
• The grounds on which Great Britain was originally involved in the present contest have been the subject of much controversy: But it appears equally impracticable to dispute the proposition that we embarked in a cause not originally our own; whether we engaged for the purpose of protecting the States General, or united with the Austrians and Prussians in their anxious desire to restore the blessings of its ancient government to France.
f The extent of his Majesty's alliance may be learnt from a declaration to the government of Genoa by Lord Hood and Sir Gilbert Elliot, dated St. Fiorenzo, the 161I1 of August 1794, announcing the railing the blockade of Genoa, which concluded by declaring, " that his Majesty reserves to himself die reclamations which the interests of his subjects, and those of his allies, which consist of the greater part of Europe, and of the humau race, render indiipensibly necessary, respecting the future conduct of the republic."
t The following extracts furnisti strong presumptions of the disposition of the French nation, as well as of the leading men of its government, towards peace. ... . .
Speech os BoiJJy D'Anglat, January 30, 1795.
"And when a part of our enemies, discouraged by our success or enlightened by our experience, seem willing to let the earth respire; when the people, indignant at the calamities with which they are overwhelmed, teem every where commanding their governments to put an end to the horrors" of war; some cruel and crafty politicians would persuade them, that we alone are insensible to the cries of suffering humanity; that we alone must thirst for their blood; that no peace can with US be life or honourable; that the continuation of the war is advantageous to them j and, finally,
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