a religious order of men in France, and the Emperor faid he would not pay them, unless they proved they had emigrated from France: And by the fecond refolution, he had faid he would not pay them, because they happened to be in the Auftrian Netherlands at the time the French over-ran that quarter. In answer to the minifter's affertion, that we had made good ufe to ourselves of our credit, by the terms of the loan, he obferved there were two reafons against it: First, it was not honourable for the British Houfe of Commons to fell the intereft of the public credit; and, fecondly, if it was to be fold, it fhould be fold for what it was really worth. As to the idea that the Emperor intended to keep his engagements, he hoped he did; but then the Houfe of Commons of Great Britain ought to inquire whether he was able as well as willing to keep them.

It was not then the time to go at large into the general queftion of the policy of this loan. But there was another point extremely important indeed, and which ought to be attended to by that Houfe. He faw in this convention no ftipulation that the Emperor fhould not make a feparate peace. On the contrary it was carefully avoided; and it was to be ob ferved, that this convention was figned at Vienna at the very time that the Emperor published the refcript to the Diet of Ratisbon, the fubftance of which was pretty well known at this time. The minifter infifted that this matter was difcuffed yesterday, and the decifion of the Houfe made it neceffary to difcufs that bufinefs again. He faw it in the direct contrary view. What was the question the preceding night? It was this: Whether it was wife and judicious for one of the confederates against France, viz. Great Britain, to negotiate with France at this time? What was the determination of the Houfe upon that fubject? It was-That it would be unwife, in us to do any thing that could tend to weaken the confede racy: A decifion which he by no means applauded, but that was the decifion. And yet it had been that moment propofed, by the refolution before the Committee, that we thould embark our credit with one of the Members of that very confederacy, who had done the very thing which the decifion of the Houfe the preceding night pronounced to be fo dangerous. He thought the refcript authentic: Minifters might think it was not authentic. He wifhed to know, whether it was authentic or not. If it was, we were going to embark with an aily who, according to the language of the minifter, and the determination of the Houfe the preceding night, was going to annul the whole plan of our future operations, and for which we were to vote away millions of the public moncy, by weakening the

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confederacy and strengthening the enemy. If there was a doubt on the authenticity of this refcript (and he confeffed, from what he heard the minifter fay laft night, he feared there was a doubt), it was a very alarming thing, and ought to be explained immediately; for the Emperor had given us no intelligence upon the fubject. He certainly had time enough, for the fubject of this loan had been under his confideration for fome months. If the Emperor pursued the principle of this refcript, and endeavoured to make peace, it might be faid, that peace might be had immediately for all that. He thought fo too; but then, if France was, as minifters stated it to be, at its laft gafp, that wish for peace could not be long delayed. Under thefe impreffions, he hoped that the Houfe, accustomed even as they had been to the infince◄ rity and falfehood of minifters throughout the whole progress of this war, would fce the neceffity of an inquiry into the conduct of these our faithful allies. If peace should be foon concluded between the French and the Emperor, he wished the House to reflect that we fhall have given the whole of our four millions fix hundred thousand pounds abfolutely for nothing.

There had been fomething faid upon the diftinction between the character of the Emperor as fuch, and that of King of Hungary and Bohemia; that, as Emperor, he might agree to a peace with France, but as Emperor and King, hé might pursue the war with vigour. This was perfectly ridiculous; for whenever peace was agreed upon, one of the leading articles of the treaty must be, that he should not suffer troops defined against France to pass through any of his dominions, and therefore he would forbid fuch troops from going through Bohemia against the then friend of the Emperor, viz. France. But he was afraid that all the hopes of the majority who fupported this war, were now in the inEncerity of the Emperor, as to this refcript. Exclufive of the infamy of fuch a principle, he advised the Houfe to be cautious in trufting to fuch a fecurity, for he knew of no real fecurity in the conduct of any man, if that conduct was not founded on the principles of fair dealing. What security had we that what the Emperor was doing in London was fincere, and that what he was doing in Vienna was not all duplicity? We should rather think that he would act according to what he fhould think the interest of his dominions. He fhould like to know with what face of fincerity the Emperor could come to the Diet with his refcript in favour of peace, and at the fame moment open a loan with this country for carrying on the war. The truth was, the Diet were unacquainted with

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his determination to accept our loan when he published this refcript, and by the ftep which we were about to take, we were to become parties to the delufion; and whatever were the real intentions of the Emperor, this was a duplicity of a nature fo deteftable, that we ought to be afhamed of being parties to it. Having made many other ftrong obfervations, he concluded with faying he wifhed to difcufs this subject at a future ftage, but he thought it his duty to take the sense of the Committee upon it even then.

Mr. M. Robinson thought we ought to be very much obliged to the Emperor for not taking the whole of our fix millions.

Mr. Huffey followed the idea of Mr. Fox, with regard to the loan to the Emperor; we ought either not to have made the use we did of our credit in the terms we had agreed to, or have brought it fairly to fale. Mr. Huffey entered upon various calculations upon the fubject, to fhew the fallacy of the minifter's statements.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer thewed that Mr. Huffey's faving calculation did not go to the extent mentioned; but he thought that as we got the Emperor money at the fame rate at which he had offered to receive it from others, it was juft that any advantage arifing from the guarantee should be to Great Britain, and not to the Emperor.

Mr. W. Smith faid, that if the money was lent to the Emperor to enable him to make the greateft poffible exertion in common caufe with us, we ought certainly to have procured it for him upon the eafieft terms, without making any advantage of it for ourselves. This we ought to have done if the war were likely to laft but for one campaign, much more when it might probably be continued for two or three. For the fame reafons we ought not to have fuffered him to pay two hundred and fifty, thoufand pounds commiffion upon it, when we might have procured it for him without that expence. It had been hinted, that although the Emperor might make peace as head of the Germanic body, he might continue the war as King of Hungary and Bohemia. How he was to divide his two capacities in fuch a cafe, it was not very easy to comprehend. If, as Emperor of Germany, he was convinced of the neceffity of reftoring peace to Europe, it was natural to fuppofe that he muft feel the fame neceffity as King of Hungary and Bohemia.

Mr. Jenkinfon faw no difficulty in the Emperor's negotiating as head of the Germanic body, and continuing the war as Archduke of Auftria, and King of Hungary and Bohemia.

Mr.

Mr. W. Smith faid, that if Gentlemen could perfuade themselves that the Emperor, who had made war unfuccefffully when fupported by Pruffia, our army on the Continent, Holland and the ftates of the Empire, could hope for better fuccefs when reduced to the force of his hereditary ftates, they faw things in a point of view fo very different from what he did, as to leave no common principle to argue upon.

Mr. Jodrell faid, the copy of the Emperor's refcript to the Diet of Ratifbon, which he had feen, ftated his readiness to enter into negotiations with the French republic, both as Emperor and King.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer faid, this was merely the Emperor's ufual ftyle, and did not at all bind him as King of Bohemia.

Mr. W. Smith faid, it was very extraordinary that if the French, as had been afferted, were fo much exhausted as not to be able to continue the war, perhaps for a month longer, the Emperor fhould be fo ignorant of all this as to deliver fuch a refcript to the Diet.

Mr. S. Thornton faid a few words, and the Committee divided on the refolution,

Ayes
Noes

77

43

Majority 34

The Report was ordered to be received on Monday, and the Houfe adjourned till that day.

HOUSE OF LORDS.

MONDAY, June 1.

The Militia Draft Bill was read a third time, and paffed. Affirmed the interlocutor in the Scots Appeal, Chalmer and Rofs.

Adjourned till the next day.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.

MONDAY, June 1.

Mr. D. Ryder gave notice, that the next day he should move for leave to bring in a Bill to grant certain privileges to

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Wool

Woolcombers; great numbers of whom had been materially injured in their trades by the introduction of machines. He faid, it had been ufural where the introduction of machinery in any branch of manufacture which operated for the general god, bore particularly hard on individuals, to grant them fuch relief as the wifdam of Parliament might think proper. The nature and purport of his Bill would be to grant a fimilar privilege to Woolcombers, who had been thrown out of bread by the introduction of machines, as was given to foldiers and failors when difcharged from their refpective fervices; viz. that of being entitled to fet up and follow any trade or calling, in any city or town, where they have not ferved an apprenticeship, or are not free, without being obliged to remove therefrom until they become actually chargeable.

HAWKERS AND PEDLARS.

Mr. Long moved the Order of the Day for the third reading of the Bill for the regulation of Hawkers and Pedlars.Bill read a third time.

Colonel Stanley moved a caufe to be added to the Bill, to repeal three claufes in the Bill, which reftricted hawkers and pedlars from trading in, or nearer to any market-town. than the distance of two miles, except on market and fair days. This reftriction, the Colonel faid, was laid upon the hawkers and pears at the time the fhop-tax originally took place, in order to equalize the fituation of the two defcriptions of dealers, and to prevent hawkers and pedlars having too great an advantage over the fettled and regular fhop-keepers, from the operation that tax would have upon them. The fhop-tax having now ceafed, he thought it was but -juftice that the reftriction which took place on the hawkers and pedlars, in confequence of that tax, fhould ceafe alfo. The hawkers and pedlars were, he faid, an industrious and valuable body of men, and deferved the encouragement of -Parliament, as they contributed to a wide and extenfive circulation of the manufactures of the country, and enabled people who lived at a distance from large towns and cities to accommodate themfelves with goods they wanted, at a cheaper and more convenient rate than they could poffibly do without their regular visits. He therefore fubmitted to -the confideration of the Houfe the neceflity of adopting this claufe, for the purpose of doing away the reftriction com-plained of.

Mr. Long feconded the motion; when a fhort converfation took place, in which Mr. Francis, Mr. Hawkins Brown, Mr. VOL. III. Thornton,

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