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The next article is the price of provisions, respecting which I have received a great deal of authentic information, within these few days, indeed I may fay within these few hours; and the price of provisions is so very high, and scarcity prevails to such a degree, as must stop all great and extensive operations.

In the next place, I doubt Very much whether the provisions for the French army and navy will in future be so regularly supplied as they formerly have been. I have accounts of provisions being rclandcd from on board some of the ships at Brest; and the city of Paris has been supplied by pittances from the army on the Rhine. Expressions of discontent are riot confined to individuals, but are general, and such as come home to the door of every individual in France* What Will be the effect of this complicated pressure, how long it may be 'continued, or what order of things may ultimately rife out of it, I shall not pretend to say-. But I think it may produce, and probably at no great distance of time, some new order of things, more friendly to a general pacification^ and to a regular intercourse with the other established powers of Europe. Such is the genuine prpspect for all the countries of Europe, for an order of things more satisfactory than we have seen at any former period: It is owing to your perseverance in forcing them, and to which they are unequal, that they would willingly accept of peace. Because you have that in your power at this moment, you arc by no means certain that a sale and honourable peace could be obtained. That is, at this moment,

{iremature; a. continuance of your perseverance sortie time onger, will in all probability produce that happy effect.

Compare the situation and resources of this country, feeling for the burdens of the country, which mult be felt by the poor and industrious to a certain extent, and deploring their necessity, as they must obstruct the increasing wealth of the country. Look also at the manufactures and trade and revenue, and compare it with the expence of the war. Compare the annual expenditure of twenty or twenty-five millions sterling, to the enormous sum of twenty-seven millions sterling per month, or three hundred and twenty-four millions per annum, the sum yearly expended by France. After you have made these comparison?, tell me whether you will lay aside your exertions, under the peculiar circumstances in which you are now placed. You have laid on takes unprecedented in their amount, but at the fame time have the satisfaction to know that they are borne by the inhabitants of this country without any material severe pressure.—You are provided therefore with

'3 A a • the the most ample and liberal supplies for the present campaign. But is that the cafe with France? No. Every month, every week, is* an additional strain of the new machine, and they are not provided with any of that enormous expence which. I have mentioned, but must raise it all by forced means, by requisition*, by robbery, and plunder.

f have trespassed too long on the patience of the House. 1 conclude by obsen ing again, that I have to hope for a more favourable order of things, and I have no reason to be satisfied with any attempt at negotiation at this moment: But by a vigorous prosecution of the war for a short time longer, we have every reasonable prospect that we shall be able to procure for ourselves a solid, permanent, and honourable peace.

Mr. Wilberforce observed, that at so very late an hour he would not detain the House long in availing himself of the privilege of a reply, especially as he should have other opportunities of expressing his sentiments on the important subject under discussion. The House would feel however, that it was i incumbent on him to take some notice of the personal attack .which had been made on him by a Right Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Windhani). After some animadversions and strictures on both the matter and manner of what had fallen from him, Mr. Wilberforce asserted and vindicated his right, or rather the indispensible obligation under which he lay,to obey the dictates- * of his own understanding. The high opinion he entertained of his Right Hon. Friend's (Mr. Pitt's) integrity, (and of nopolitical man's integrity did he think so highly),, the respect he felt sot hi? Right ilon. Friend's understanding (and for no man's understanding did he feel more respect),ought certainly to have great weight with him in the making up of his opinion: But when allowing to these their due proportion of influence (and he need hardly say he should be disposed to assign to them rather more than less than their share), and after carefully surveying, and closely scrutinizing, and coolly, and gravely, and repeatedly weighing all the circumstances of the vase, his deliberate judgment was at length formed; that judgment, whatever it might be, he was absolutely bound to follow.. He was sent thither by his constituents, not for the gra* tification of his private feelings, but for the discharge of a great political trust; and for the faithful administration os the power they had vested in him, he was responsible to. God and to his country. The truth for which he was contending was so clear an one, that lie could not but believe the Right Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Windham)- would in a cooler moment be ready to retract what he had advanced-in derogation of it.

Much

Much the fame considerations had been pressed on the House that night in opposition to his motion as had been urged in former discussions. The distracted and exhausted (late of France had been, again chiefiy dwelt on as a ground for the continuance of the war; in reply he would only suggest what he had before detailed at greater length, that a government •weak and distracted at the centre might be energetic and terrible on its frontiers ; that no symptoms of disaffection had appeared in the French armies; and that their disposable force had been extremely increased by the suppression of their internal discontents, and their having been able to draw oss some powerful members of the confederacy: Tbat our enemy had no trade to protect, no colonies to defend; that on the other hand we who had nothing to get, had everything to lose. No man would deny the danger of the uiter ruin os our valuable possessions in the West Indies. Our allies were gradually leaving us, and there was scarce an opening for us by which to make an imprefiion on France. All the objects for which we originally carried on the war were cither gone by, or attained, or unattainable. But above all, the relative state of this country with respect to France was now such that we might make peace with little probability of beinjr again attacked, and with the moral certahrty whilst our enemy would be growing weaker and weaker from that state of anarchy to which peace would only allow fuller and freer operation, we should be daily growing stronger and stronger from the cultivation of our natural resources, and a spirited and prudent use of the various advantages we enjoyed. He had done his duty in bringing the question forward, and his mind would be at ease; it was for ihe House to decide, and he adjured them to go with unbiassed minds to the decision of a question in which the welfare of their country wai so deeply concerned.

The House disided at half past one, when the numbers were:

Ays - 86
AW - - - 201

Majority against iht Zkile't- l.ij

.\cTjovwnedv

Lift of the Minority tuho voted on May 27, 1795, r fVtllef' force''s Motion to facilitate the mating of a Peace with France.

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HOUSE OF LORDS.
Thursday, May 28.

Lord Hay deferred 'till to-morrow se'nnight, his intended motion on a standing Order of the House, on account of the indisposition of Lord Thurlow.

Adjourned to Monday next.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.
Thursday, May 28. .

A motion was mnde that the Order of the Day for calling ever the House be discharged, and a new order made for calling it over on Friday se'nnight. Several Members were for discharging the order without making a new one; and >on a division the order for calling over the House on Friday se'n"jiight was carried by 90 against 34.

PRINCE OF WALES'S DEBTS. The Chancellor of the Exchequer gave notice that on Monday next, previous to going into a Committee on the arrangements Tor the establishment of the Prince of Wales, he should move a proposition by way of instruction to the Committee, for setting apart a sum from the income voted for the liquidation of the debts.

Mr. Fox stated, that what he wished was, that the. income should go on, independently of any other consideration, and, that it should not interfere with the subject of the debts. From the manner in which the Right Hon. Gentleman had opened the business to the House, he had conceived that trjc income was to have been kept separate from the debts.

Mr. Ryder said, the mode by which it was proposed lo get rid of one inconvenience, tended tp introduce another. Mr. Fox had wislied to separate the debts from the income, and To Vote the income fust. But the Right Hon. Gentleman would recollect that though the House might be tempted to grant a large income, if a part of it were to be appropriated to the payment of the defrls, yet that they might not be induced to jirant so large an income5 if part of it were not to be appro-* priated to such payment. 11

: Mr. Powys said, there appeared to him to be two separate instructions necessary, first, for the regulation of the expence in ordeV to prevent any debts being contracted i;i future, and 1 • secondly,

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