He propofed to confider this fubject generally, though generally confidered there was nothing in it, the Houfe having before decided upon it; and if particularly viewed, he could not difcover any ground for revifing that decifion, as no change had fince taken place. Though he wished to confider the queftion without any reference to former difcuffions, or to former opinions, he was obliged to notice fome which muft apply and connect themselves in fome measure, and therefore could not be well feparated. He must first know with whom he was arguing, and how; whether it was with any of those who at the commencement of the war were convinced of its neceflity, and voted for it as the only means to preferve the conftitution of the country, the dignity of the English character, the religion, laws, and liberties of the nation, the fafety, honour, and fecurity of the empire, and the commerce, morals, and happinefs of the people; or whether he was arguing with one of thofe who approved the principles and doctrines of the French revolutionifts, who did not wish to overthrow the dangerous fyftem of thofe extravagant enthufiafts; but however ftrange it might appear, though nothing fcarcely fhould be imagined ftrange in thefe days of fantaftic philofophy and pretended reformation, who believed, and do ftill believe, that the establishment of the French republic is defirable to mankind. He declined, however, addreffing himself to any perfons of the latter defcription, because he conceived they were too much intoxicated with intemperance, and fo completely blinded by their zeal, as to be fo regardlefs of reafon in fact, that any attempt to convince or convert them would prove fruitlefs and abfurd. He contented himself therefore with an addrefs to those who had hitherto concurred with him in the propriety and expediency of the war; and thofe he did not doubt would ftill concur with him in the propriety and expediency of its continuation, nor did he doubt but they would form the majority of the House. In every queflion refpecting peace and war, and more ef pecially in every question relating to the period of the prefent war, there were, he obferved, two things to be confidered: First, what you propofe to gain by a peace; and fecondly, the means of gaining it. The Hon. Gentleman who moved the queftion, and his Hon. Coadjutor who had feconded it, had talked of peace, as peace. He would confine himself to the fpeculations of the first. The Hon. Gentleman, by his argument, appeared to think that the moment peace was figned we might difband our armies, and profperity, happiness, and a thousand other bleflings would would immediately enfue. He had no apprchenfions of dif turbance, but indulged his fancy with chimerical ideas, without looking to any folid inference whatever. He did not inquire whether ten-fold dangers might not follow from our infecurity, nor did he fufpect that every endeavour on the part of the enemy to entice us into a peace, was very probably an artful manoeuvre to lull us, that they might take advantage of our weakness and credulity, to commit, unpunished, their premeditated acts of cruelty and revenge. Upon this principle the Secretary faid he differed widely, as he could neither think a motion of this nature fafe nor honourable. He fufpected the Hon. Gentleman gave more into fpeculations than was advifeable, and was in reality a fort of conftitution-monger. He was, on a former occafion, for giving the conftitution of America to France. Giving a conftitution!-As if conftitutions could be tranfported from one country to another, like the ready-made houfes we have feen, and not as they really are, natural and infeparable from the countries for which they are fpecifically formed, and growing out of the affections, fentiments, and difpofitions of the people! They might expect at that rate to fee exotic constitutions tranfplanted, raifed as children do boughs, in fome loose earth between a few pieces of broken brick and tile, and then be told," Behold we have planted a constitution"-as the children believe they have planted a tree, and that the tree will grow. Of fuch a growth was the tree of liberty, and it throve accordingly. If men had fixed upon the fort of peace that will pleafe them, the fecond queftion then occurs, in what way was it to be obtained? True it is, that if neither party were to exprefs their inclinations for a peace, nor make overtures for it, a war would be endlefs; but there were different ways in different circumftances to be purfued. He wifhed the Hon. Gentleman had confidered how far the inclination of France for peace fhould induce us either to advance to mect her, or to accept her conditions. There were two ways in which this inclination ought to be confidered: Firft, whether it would grow and increafe till we confirmed it; and fecondly, whether it came from fuch caufes as would enable us to reft fecure, provided it was granted. Otherwife it were eafy to get that which, when got, would be of no value, and it were no lefs eafy to incur fuch danger, as we fhould afterwards repent of. To recur to what was before hinted, what had been the change, fince the last decifion of the Houfe, that peace could be negotiated now with more fecurity than then? A great X X 2 change change there had been indifputably, but none that could render the expectation of a peace more permanent, or incline them to forego their former refolution. The government of France is not more durable than it was, the people are not more refolved; but on the contrary, the fpirit of domination and the fpirit of profelytifm were as predominant in them as ever, and they had the fame enthusiasm, madness, and diforder. Their fyftem was that of moderation, it had been alledged, and therefore it was contended that we fhould treat with them, It is moderate, it is true; but how is it moderate? It is moderate only in comparison with the preceding system of terror, murder, and profcription. Compared with other governments, the government of France is ftill diftinguifhed for injuftice, violence, and infult; or admitting, for the fake of argument, that it were not fo, is it poflible to prophefy how long it may be before fuch a fyftem as the fyftem of terror may return? Let Gentlemen examine, faid he, in what manner this change of fyftem had been produced. They had been brought down to talk the language of moderation, and therefore their moderation (the French) was the refult of neceffity. They were relaxed in their circumstances, their vigour was weakened, and their courage crippled. If they had the defire to revive their former atrocities, they had not at prefent the power, and it was their duty to prevent them from regaining it. "Their fortune had reached its flood, and was now ebbing fast away. The fymptoms of decay are manifeft, and the pulfe that raged fo violently will foon no longer beat." The Hon. Gentleman defired a precife and a decifive answer. Here is, faid the Secretary at War, a precife and a decifive anfwer, and we are now at iffue. He next obferved, that the prefent diftrefs of France did not go to a great extent. No, fince the decrease of terror, the communication has fo multiplied as to obviate that evil. By the amazing depreciation of affignats, they wrung from the poorer claffes of fociety ceafelefs complaints of diftrefs, which by concurrent caufes are in fome measure appeafed. He next talked of reports, reports in the public prints of recent difturbances at Paris. If he could fay upon pofitive authority that these reports were not true, why did he not contradict them? But until they were contradicted, upon fuch a body of prefumptive evidence as they brought with them, they were entitled to credit, and could not be refifted. The Secretary at War did not understand how the Hon. Gentleman could speak of them as he had done. By his expreffion he infinuated a doubt of their veracity. He might as well doubt whether the maffacre on the 10th of September was but a report; whether the execution of the twelve or thirteen deputies was mere report, and whether it was report only that fo many people had been guillotined. The report, however, came through the fame channels by which we commonly receive our information, nor did it pafs exclufively through one or two. Was it to be treated as a matter of flight report that the mob had broke into the auguft body of the Convention, that the Members had been forced to fly, that the head of one of their number had been cut off, and that with the head in their hand, the mob had addreffed a fpeech to the Prefident of the Convention? All the public prints have accounts of the mob breaking into the auguft affembly, and ftate alfo, that the Members of the Convention, inftead of endeavouring to refift them, were glad to get away as faft as they could, while one of them was feized and murdered. Little hope would be entertained of the permanency and duration of that government, which has not efficient means of protection and defence against fuch violence and outrage; and as to the fuppofition of these accounts being bare reports, the Hon. Gentleman had forgotten, that while he treated them fo, he had himfelf published uncertain reports of a treaty of peace between the French republic and Spain, as well as fome Princes of Germany. The Hon. Gentleman had alfo confidered the events that had happened fince the propriety of a negotiation was laft difcuffed. Whether the conduct of the enemy was different now to what it was then, could not be easily decided; he had ftated, however, that there was an increafe of power on their part, and a proportionate decreafe on ours, or, what is nearly tantamount, that as our alliances were weakened, their alliances grow stronger. One prominent object, the defection of our allies, was particularly expatiated on, and the Hon. Gentleman indulged his fpeculation upon others: Nay, he declared that the appearances of decrease of power in the confederacy ferved to unite them more and more. To fuch a declaration, the Secretary at War opposed one broad leading confideration, the state of diftress and ftate of opinions now prevalent in France. To every lofs fuftained in another way there was nothing but fuch motions as the prefent to prevent a fpeedy termination to the war in the manner the Hon. Gentleman once wifhed. It was true here was nothing but affertion against affertion, and appeal against appeal. The Hon. Gentleman had promulgated his opinions, and he had stated his. The Hon. Gentleman affigned his reafons reafons for catching at the firft overtures of peace, and in fo doing, he talked fuch language as was never heard before upon any fimilar bulinefs in that Houfe; nor would the country have ever rifen to fuch a pitch of honour, glory, and univerfal reputation as it had done, if fuch had been the language of our predeceffors. The Hon. Gentleman fhould have recollected too, that it was not confined to the prefent war, but extends to other wars in future. He had openly proclaimed, that our burdens had increased to their utmoft, that we had no means of defence, that our people were rebellious, and our armies ready to aflift them. We had reached the climax of our grandeur, and might fupinely repofe ourfelves, nor attempt to fupport it, for it muft decline. "In former times (faid the Hon. Gentleman) our arms protected our commerce, but now we are come to the full enjoyment of our induftry, and we will call upon our enemy not to difturb us; leave us as we are, leave us well, or if you do not, we are not poffeffed of means to defend ourfelves." He had affirmed, that our extent of territory was too great to be protected; that our burdens were too fevere to be borne ; he had infinuated that the country was come to that pitch of profperity which it was well if it could keep, but in which every risk might be attended with fatal confequences. With equal inconfiftency had he argued with refpect to the difpofttions of the people. Sometimes he had fuppofed the conftitution to be fufficiently protected by their loyalty, and fometimes he had fuppofed them to be fo irritated, that the slightest addition to the.r burdens would be fufficient to endanger their allegiance. This was one of the arguments which the Hon. Gentleman had pretended to touch on lightly. He would not speak out, he faid, and there was no neceflity to prefs him, for he was perfectly intelligible. The inconfiftency which commonly prevailed in this mode of reafoning, where the arguments were fhifted, as occafion prompted to fuit the purpofe of the speaker, was obvious. Sometimes they declaimed on the loyalty of his Majefty's fubjects, and fometimes they proclaimed them to be nearly infected with the contagion of the French republicans. To what, faid the Secretary at War, could fuch proceedings tend, but to lay the country proftrate at the feet of the enemy? Read the various declarations of France against this country, and then judge of their inclination to induce us to make peace. In a difcourfe lately delivered to the Convention, they ftate," that they will make ro conceffions to Great Britain, nor will they cifer any terms of accommodation. They are |