compaffion for finking, poffibly, under the fatigues of a country-dance, or fainting with heat under the rigours of a fummer campaign at fome watering-place.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer begged to remind the Houfe, that no additional pay had been granted to fubalterns of the militia; an allowance had indeed been granted in peace, inferior to that of half-pay to the regulars, which thofe only fhould be entitled to who had served a certain time in war, and for which at their monthly meetings they were to do actual service; and this was done merely because it was neceffary to hold out fome encouragement to fupply an exifting deficiency. No argument could be drawn from thence in favour of the prefent motion.

Mr. M. Robinfon faid a few words.

Mr. Porter faid, the advanced price of every thing had been confidered a good reason for increasing the establishment of a Prince of the blood, and fhould have the fame weight in favour of a poor fubaltern in the army.

Sir William Pulteney thought there was no fimilitude between the fituation of a fubaltern in the army and in the militia. Gentlemen went into the army with an eye to promotion; but a militia fubaltern could not rife to be a Captain. He oppofed the expending fo much public money, when it was by no means neceffary.

General Smith made a few obfervations.

The Houfe divided on Mr. Porter's motion:

The Earl of Guildford, on the part of Lord Lauderdale, who was indifpofed, moved that his motion on peace, which flood as the Order of the Day for the next day, be discharged, and that it be fixed for Friday the 5th of June.-Ordered.

The Bill for increafing the Royal corps of artillery by draughts from the militia, and for drawing from the militia, for the ufe of the navy, all feafaring men, went through the Committee.

The Earl of Radnor faid, he should have to propose a clause upon the third reading; but that he did not mean to give their Lordships any further trouble than merely moving it.

When the Bill was reported,

The Duke of Norfolk moyed an amendment, that the words "required and directed," be left out; alledging, that that claufe made it compulfory on the commanding officers of the different corps of the militia to part with thofe men who had been trained to the ufe of the artillery: To the principle of the Bill in general, he had no objection; indeed he highly approved it, efpecially at this time, when it was incumbent on us to strengthen our naval force by every poffible means; but this compulfory claufe, in his opinion, would make the commanding officers lefs attentive to the training of men to this fervice, if they were compelled to part with them after they had been difciplined. His Grace faid, he thought the officers ought to be invefted with a degree of difcretion as to the parting with their men.

Lord Grenville oppofed the amendment propofed by the Noble Duke. He faid, if the principle of the Bill were a right one, the words objected to were proper; as it was more handfome in Government to take the whole measure on itfelf, than leave an invidious and offenfive power in the hands of the commanding officers.

The Duke's amendment was then put and negatived withBut a divifion.-Adjourned.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.

WEDNESDAY, May 27.

The Mafter of the Rolls moved the Order of the Day for the fecond reading of the Bill from the Lords, to remedy certain omiffions in the laft A&t of Parliament with regard to infolvent debtors. The Bill was read a fecond time, and ordered to be committed to a Committee of the whole House the next day.

Mr. Joddrell moved that the Dead Body Bill be read a fecond time on Monday next.-Ordered.

Mr. Eaft moved the Order of the Day for the third reading of the Bill to prevent the removal of poor perfons before they become actually chrageable.

Lord Sheffield urged fome objection against the Bill, and moved, that instead of the word, "now," "the 1ft of Auguft; be fubftituted.

The Mafter of the Roll's thought that more time ought to be allowed before the Bill paffed.

A fhort debate then took place: Mr. Sergeant Adair, Mr. Foddrel, Mr. Jolliffe, Mr. Taylor, Mr. Huffey, and Mr. Eaft, fupported the Bill; Mr. Burdon and the Mafter of the Rolls

thought

thought it too important a measure to be adopted haftily. -The Houfe divided,

Mr. Wilberforce began by obferving, that the fubject which he was about to bring before the Houfe, was one which he could affure them he had deeply confidered (as it became every one to do, who took fo forward a part); that he had reIvolved it again and again, and that he had even been fomewhat confirmed in his opinion upon it, by what appeared to him to be evidently the general fentiment of the Public. There had certainly prevailed an opinion almost every where of late, that minifters were either negotiating a peace, or at least were purpofing to negotiate; and the ground on which many, the greatest friends to Government, had, in various letters, advised him to decline his motion, had been, that he was doing that which if Government were left undisturbed would foon, by their own fteps towards a peace, be rendered unneceffary. This expectation of peace had arifen, as he infifted, not from any terms in the refolutions of Administration, or in their language in the Houfe; in these they had plainly intimated that they had no thought of making peace with France at prefent, but from the general pofture of affairs, which had naturally led men to imagine. that this was a time when pacific measures might be taken. Much joy had been infused into the public mind in confequence; and it might certainly therefore become Adminiftration to fhew why, at fuch a period as this, they should not treat. He was free to confefs, that he was not one of those who went the length of agreeing to the old faying, Vox popali vox Dei; but he would neverthelefs maintain that the general opinion of a people fhould be fuperfeded by nothing but circumftances of a very extraordinary nature, fuch as did not appear in the prefent cafe againft it, and was entitled to a degree of respect that would have induced him, independent of his own unalterable opinion, to have made his prefent

motion.

He thought it a very important duty in every war, not only to take care that in the commencement it was just and neccffary, but to look out alfo from time to time, for every opening which might be given for the conclufion of it; to fee whether the original motives for it continued-whether our own country, whether that of the enemy, whether the state of other

powers,

powers, and the general circumftances of the times, made it needful ftill to purfue the path we were treading: He had done fo in his own mind in this cafe, and he would now state to the House that train of reasoning, which, in confequence of his doing fo, he had naturally been led into in his closet.

The general fubject of the effect of the war on our finances, population, and commerce, had been fo lately and fo ably difcuffed, that he fhould dwell little on thofe points; he would only observe, that there seemed to have been a mistake in taking fo much credit for the prefent magnitude of our export of manufactures, when that very export was probably to be afcribed in part to the war itfelf; in proof of which, he quoted an obfervation from Dr. Adam Smith, on the Wealth of Nations, noticing the mistake which had arifen in a former war on this point. In illuftrating this he faid, when a Right Hon. Gentleman oppofite to him made his motion for a Committee to inquire into the state of the nation, he had heard him deliver feveral excellent obfervations on the ftate of our finances, on the effect which the war might have upon our population, and on the general profpect which this country had from the continuance of the war. Some of thefe obfervations were objected to by his Right Hon. Friend, who ftated, that our manufactures had increafed fince the commencement of the war. This ftatement of his Right Hon. Friend was in fome degree correct, but his reafonings upon it were inconclufive; for many of our manufactures muit neceffarily have gone abroad, and exports of various forts muft have taken place, even in confequence of the war, for at least two or three years in its progrefs.

With regard to the navy, though certainly it was at present much fuperior on the whole (though likely to be lefs fo fince the treaty by which a Dutch force was to be added to that of France), it certainly was not to be depended on as always fuperior in every part: The French, by leaving themselves quite weak, either in the Mediterranean, or in the West Indies, or elfe by being weak at home, might contrive to be fuperior, if they pleased, at leaft for a time, in one, if not in two of thofe important stations; and as they had no commerce to defend, they might, without much facrifice of intereft, ftrike even with their fleet a temporary ftroke. When the extent of our territories alfo was confidered, which it belonged to our fleet to defend, it certainly feemed to be too much to fay that in this respect we fhould be suffered to escape harmless and untouched.

He next adverted to the general ftate of the allied powers; and particularly dwelt on the fubject of the Emperor's late

refcript,

refcript, in which he tells the German powers that he is ready to make peace with France; a refcript which he (Mr. Wilberforce) understood the Emperor figned on the fame day on which he figned the treaty with this country for a loan for carrying on the war. He had heard it faid abroad, that this refcript was only intended to amufe the German powers; and that the Emperor was not fincere in it, but wifhed rather thereby to prevent a peace; a fuppofition which he would not fo calumniate his Imperial Majefty as to allow himself for one moment to make. What! could it be fuppofed, that when the Emperor faid, as he did, (Mr. Wilberforce here read the words of the refcript)" that he was ready to enter into negotiation," that he meant in reality to avoid a negotiation? When he said that "he would confult the general interests of the Empire," that he meant not to confult their intereft? And when he spoke of "permanent and fecure peace with the French republic," and " of his endeavouring to accomplifh fo defirable an end," was it to be fuppofed that he thought a fecure peace impoffible or undefirable? or, that he thought the French republic ought not to be acknowledged? If fuch were the Emperor's meaning, no language could be ftrong enough for him to use in reprobating fuch deceit. Befides, if this were the mode of doing away the meaning of the refcript, and we were to truft the Emperor's difpofition to go on with the war on fuch ground, we were to truft him on the very ground of his being unworthy of truft; on the ground of his refcript being an act of duplicity to the States of Germany; and on this ground we were to presume on his being faithful towards us; and all this at the very time when we refufe to make peace with France because The would be regardless of her treaties, "being incapable of maintaining the accustomed relations of peace and amity with other nations."

But even if the words of the refcript fhould be explained away, the profeffed object of the Emperor was, to arreft a treaty which was commencing without him, by faying, that he was willing alfo to treat; The Emperor therefore declared in fubftance, that he thought France might be treated with. Qn every ground then, he muft fuppofe that the Emperor 'thought thus, and was fincere, What then was the ftate of the confederacy? Our allies were yanifhing away apace. Whether the Emperor figned the refcript in his quality of Head of the Empire only, or in that of King of Hungary, &c. alfo, he did not exactly know; but at any rate, he was not two separate men; and if peace was defirable for the German Empire, any one who caft his eye on the map, muft fee that

it