opinion and the Prince's, that it would be fufficient. The de-claration of his Royal Highness, that he would give no occa fon for any future application to Parliament on a fimilar account, furprised him not a little. He knew not who had advifed him to make fuch a declaration; but if his Royal High nefs at any fubfequent period had confulted him upon the fubject, he would have faid, that being made it was a promise which for his honour he was bound to keep. It was, however, the opinion of minifters, and of the Chancellor of the Exchequer in particular, whose duty it more immediately was. to form a correct opinion, that 60,000l. a year, in addition to the Dutchy of Cornwall, was fufficient for the fplendour of the Prince of Wales at twenty-five, and for reinftating his household, which he had difmified. Upon what principle then. did they at this time pretend to fay that 125,000l. a year was: neceflary? Marriage in the lower claffes of life made a great difference in point of expence, but did it in any thing like the fame proportion among the higher ranks? His Royal Highnefs before his marriage had a house and a household; did his marriage require two houfes and two houfeholds? How then was it poffible for those who in 1787 faid that 73,000l. a year was fufficient for his expences in Carlton House when he was fingle, to fay 138,000l. must be neceffary now? He could not but lament that the fame conduct feemed to be adopted with respect to the establishment of his Royal Highness as had taken place with respect to that of Frederick Prince of Wales; that minifters mealured the extent of his allowance by the degree of approbation he bestowed upon their fyftem of government; and that the Houfe, following them, was to be guided, not by principle, but by circumstances of a very different nature. It might be afked, whether he did not feel fuch a difference as he fuppofed minifters to feel? He would anfwer, that he did not; that he had never confidered his Royal Highness in any other point of view than as the Heir Apparent to the Throne; that he had never looked to his opinions, but to his ftation. He might then be afked, whether he, who had always thought the former allowances to his Royal Highnefs infufficient, would not now vote for the larger fum, in preference to the amendment moved by his Hon. Friend? Undoubtedly he would, and for the reafons he had stated on former occafions, but not without fome provifion for preventing fuch applica tions to Parliament in future. The difference between the present value of money, and the value of it when roo,oool. was an adequate provifion for Princes of Wales, required at leaft an addition of one fourth. He fhould be answered, that the increase of public debts and public burdens made the

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country lefs able to bear large eftablishments. He admitted and lamented the increased and increafing burdens of the country; but with increase of public debts, let the increase of public means to provide for them be taken into confideration.

Let Gentlemen look to what he wished ministers had looked to in 1787, the increased habits of expence in all ranks, and the difference of one fourth would certainly not appear to keep pace with it. His Hon. Friend who moved the amendment, fpoke of the evil tendency of fuch habits; but was the Prince of Wales the firft example they would choose to felect for reform, and, in fome fort, for punishment? Suppofe fome perfon of the fame rank and fituation in fome country undif covered had indulged himself in fimilar exceffes, who would call down reprobation on him? He was the Heir Apparent in early life, when his age, his fituation, the times, habits, and manners, all confpired to make him fall into that evil they lamented. He remembered to have heard a lady, as weak and as frail as the fraileft of her fex, fay, not ludicrously, but seriously, "I am confcious of my faults; but I hope I atone for them by my marked disapprobation of fuch faults in others." It would ill become him to be very pointed in his disapprobation of imprudent expence in others; but he would fay to the City, to Westminster, to the Public at large, "If you complain of increased habits of expence, begin the reformation by reforming yourselves." Reference might be made to the liberality of Parliament, to other Princes, to the Crown itself. Whatever they might say about the distinctness and feparate interests of the three branches of the Legislature, and their independence of one another, it could not be diffembled that the Crown having the difpofal of all offices civil and military, with the collection of near twenty millions of revenue, muft poffefs great influence in that Houfe. Would it then be feemly to yield to every extravagance of the Crown, but act harfhly and aufterely towards a Prince who had no fuch influence? Something on this occafion might have been. expected from the civil lift. Queen Anne, from a civil lift of 600,000l. gave 100,000l. towards the fupport of a war. George I. out of 700,000l. a year gave 100,000l. for the eftablishment of his heir; and George II. the fame fum for the eftablishment of Frederick Prince of Wales. During the American war, when the country was not certainly in a state of profperity, Parliament paid a large debt for the civil lift, and added to it 100,000l. a year. The fum appropriated to the privy purse had been gradually increased from 36,000 to 60,000l. a year; why then refufe a proportionate increase to the establishment of the Prince of Wales? Thefe arguments: VOL. III.

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he had formerly stated to the House without much effect; and if they produced any effect now, it would be from their being enforced by fuperior eloquence and fuperior talents.

With the establishment, unfortunately, the bufinefs did not end. There were debts, as stated, of his Royal Highness, to the amount of $20,000l. and other debts for which he was bound. The latter, he understood, much to the honour of thofe who had contracted them, were already in a course of payment. But, fuppofing the creditors to think the mode of payment too flow, they might call upon the Prince for payment, as well as his own creditors, and, therefore, to relieve him from his embarraflments, if to do fo was intended, these debts must be put upon the fame footing as his own.-Hence arofe two quellions-Was the Prince well advifed in applying to that House on the fubject of his debts, after the promife made in 1787; or the minifter juflified in making any propofal for liquidating them without fome engagement on the part of his Royal Highnefs which might be relied upon as a fecurity against future calls of the fame kind? To both thefe questions he muft give a decided negative: And therefore he would confider only what was a proper establishment for the Prince, without noticing his debts. Here again, a new confideration interpofed, viz. that of the Princess of Wales, who had been invited over by the unanimous confent of Parliament and the country, and for whom the Houfe, by its Addrefles, food pledged to make a fuitable provifion. It was in vain to pretend, that the Houfe was not aware of the embarradments of his Royal Highness at the time they gave that pledge; not one of them but knew the fact, although not regularly informed of it by a meflage from his Majesty. For this reafon only he would aflent to a plan for relieving his Royal Highness from thofe embarraffments, but not without an abfolute Linking fund, for liquidating the debt within a. reasonable time. The Right Hon. Gentleman proposed appropriating 25,000l. a year for the payment of the interest, at four per cent, although intereft was at five per cent. and the income of the Dutchy of Cornwall to liquidate the principal, which, according to this plan, would be difcharged in about twenty-seven years. Was this a plan that any man could propofe feriously? Rather let the Houfe own that they did not mean to pay off the debt, than hold out such a mockery.. Their duty to the Prince and to the Public was the fame, for, in confulting his dignity, they confulted the public intereft.: But in what way would his dignity be best preserved? By retaining all the fplendour of his establisliment, his creditors unpaid, or by fetting apart fuch a portion of it as would liquidate:

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his debts and atone for paft indifcretion by future economy To do this would be his advice to his Royal Highnefs, were he to condefcend to ask it in his clofet. He gave it not, as he then must give it, for the fake of popularity, of which he was no courtier, except as it followed an honeft discharge of duty, and which he was never lefs likely to obtain than by the course he was taking on the prefent occafion. If only 25,000l. were applied to the liquidation of his debts, his carriages, horfes, fervants, every article of his state would remind the Public of what it was much better the Public fhould forget; but let fuch a reduction as he propofed be made, and mens feelings would foon take a contrary turn; they would pant for the moment that should restore the Prince to the enjoyment of his full income; and when it arrived, view his fplendour with pride and fatif faction. Sixty-five thousand pounds with the income of the Dutchy of Cornwall, would form an adequate fund for the payment of his debts within a reasonable time.

It might be afked if the Prince could live in a way becoming his ftate upon 60,000l. a year? He would anfwer, No; not upon 100,000l. a year; for if he could, minifters, upon their own principles, would not be for giving him 125,000l. a year. But for a time he might fpare his great officers of ftate, and other expenfive appendages of his rank, and the Public would gain a beloved and refpected Prince of Wales. Upon 100,000l. a year he would be expected to maintain his full establishment with an inadequate income, and would neither be able to clear away his old incumbrances, nor to avoid new. Upon 60,000l. he would be expected to confult nothing but his domeftic fatisfaction, and the honourable difcharge of his just debts; and when he had once experienced the public efteem and affection that would foon follow fuch a plan, his future years must be profperous indeed, if he counted the years of his probation the leaft happy of his life. All this might be done much fooner, and without expence to the Public. It had ever been his opinion that a land estate was the leaft proper of any for the Crown, the moft objectionable on account of the undue in fluence it was calculated to create, and the least likely to be profitably managed. The Dutchy of Cornwall, as he was informed by perfons well acquainted with it, might be fold for 800,000l.; he would suppose for only 600,000l. The Prince's life-interest in it might be valued at 300,000l. and that fum applied to the payment of his debts. The remaining 300,000l. might be applied as Parliament fhould think fit-to the future provifion for Princes of Wales, if they were fo attached to customs, merely because they were old, as to think it worth while to continue that whimsical fort of provifion. There would

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would remain 320,000l. of debt, which the fund he had mentioned would pay off in three or four years, when his Royal Highness might refume his ftate, with the fatisfaction that his indifcretions had not coft a penny to any one of those whose fellow-fubject he was at prefent, and whofe Sovereign he was one day to be. The middle courfe propofed by the Right Hon. Gentleman would neither give (plendour to the Prince nor comfort to the private gentleman; but above all, the people would fee in it no atonement for paft imprudence.

He next reviewed the plan of the Right Hon. Gentleman in 1782, with the measures taken in refpect of his Majefty for the payment of the debts on the civil lift, as well as the fimilar measures in 1784 and 1786, when the 50,000l. which had before been granted was taken back. Here comparing what might happen from the uncertain tenure of life, Mr. Fox afked, what fecurity we fhould have in another Parliament, if fimilar debts on the civil lift fhould be incurred, that they would not be paid in the fame manner? He conceived the House during the whole of the reign to be culpably liberal, and that must be the character of the House of Commons while the Crown exerts its influence upon it. He approved of taking measures to prevent future debts being contracted, provided the plan was to be general. If it were to apply to the Prince of Wales individually, it would not be a mark of respect but of degradation; if applied to all future Kings and Princes, it fhould have his hearty fupport. It would relieve Parliament from the difficulty which always occurred when debts were contracted by the Royal Family, that unless provifion was made for the payment at the public expence, the creditors must lofe the money. In making the officers of a Prince refponfible for all debts in their feveral departments, there appeared to be fuch inconveniences, as he thought could not be obviated.

Why had not his Majefty been advised to do fomething upon this occafion himfelf? Was it for the intereft of regular government that Monarchs fhould never appear to their fubjects to feel any portion of the public adverfity; that they should grow rich as the people were growing poor? In private families the indifcretion of a fon was a misfortune which his family felt, and muft make facrifices to repair. The imprudence they all lamented was partly of this nature, and fomething might have been expected towards repairing it. One hundred thoufand pounds would not have gone far in money, but it would have gone far in fentiment. It was not wife in those who talked of the dangers that threaten monarchy, to fuffer Kings and Princes to be known only to the people by expences and taxes.

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