ing all thefe events, any one of which, fingly, might have overturned any other Government; yet, fee his present Majefty one of the most popular Princes that ever fat upon the throne! Shall we fuppofe it poffible, that the relinquishment of the tinfel and frippery of a court can be attended with any loss of respect to monarchy? can facrifices for the people produce any other return than affection and regard on their part? If integrity has done fo much, what will gratitude not effect, when joined to it? I wish to fee his Royal Highnefs placed in fuch a fituation, that he may regain what he has loft-a confideration of infinitely more importance. Great as the fum is confidering, Sir, the double fituation in which his Majefty ftands, and the folemn pledge given to this House I confefs myself much difappointed, that we have had no intimation of his Majesty's intention to come forward, and take upon himself part of the burden. I cannot believe, had the Right Hon. Gentleman acquainted his Majesty with the temper and feelings of the nation, that he would not cheerfully have evinced his regard and affection for his people, by meeting their withes. It is inconfiftent with every principle of justice and policy, that one branch of the Legiflature, and that poffeffed folely of the power of involving us in war, fhould alone be exempt from fharing the burdens and calamities infeparable from it: I think the Throne fhould be the first to feel, and the foremost to sacrifice to the diftreffes of the country; and I verily believe it would not diminish the luftre of the country, to difpenfe with fome of its trappings. Sir, I do not wish to hear the advantages of royalty placed upon its being the cheapest form of government; for the affertion is not warranted in truth: The government of America does not, in fact, coft much more than what has been lavished by his Royal Highnefs alone; lefs than two hundred thousand pounds a year, anfwers every purpose of that government. The attachment of the people of this country to its government, proceeds from the fenfe of the bleffings it has long. enjoyed under it, and I trust it will long continue to do. Much as we must lament the mifery which has attended the new doctrines introduced into another country, and deprecate them, as they have involved us in the calamities of war, the general refult of them will be advantageous to mankind; compelling those who govern to be cautious of their conduct, and not to abuse the power they are entrusted with."

Mr. Alderman Newnham was very decidedly in favour of the greater fum, and against the amendment. He expatiated with great energy on the neceflity of keeping up the dignity and fplendour of the Prince of Wales, the Heir Apparent to

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the Crown of thefe realms. The fplendour of the Prince of Wales, he afferted, was the fplendour of the people of England; and all those who were friends to the monarchical form of government we fo happily poffeffed, ought to be very cau tious how they agreed to any measure which might diminish that fplendour. Much had been faid, he observed, about what had been granted to Frederick Prince of Wales, the father of his prefent Majefty; but to him it did not appear by any means in point, with refpect to the prefent question. The price of all the articles of provifion had so much increased, and the value of money, from the extension of our commerce and manufactures, had been fo much depreciated, that money fcarcely bore the fourth part of the value now which it did then. It was of the utmoft confequence to the peace, happiness, and domeftic comfort of the Prince of Wales, that his eftablishment fhould be fuch as in future to prevent him from accumulating debts, which might draw him into fimilar embarraffinents with thofe under which he now laboured. It was of equal importance to the country effectually to provide against this; and to accomplish this defirable end, he faw no way fo ready and fo certain as that of giving his aflent to the original motion of granting to his Royal Highnefs an establishment of one hundred and twenty-five thoufand pounds a year, exclufive of the revenues of the Dutchy of Cornwall.

Mr. Burdon faid, that he fhould vote for the fmalleft fum, being as much as the country could afford. He thought that twenty-five thousand pounds a year, expended in falaries to Noblemen and Gentlemen in the Prince's fuite, fhould be retrenched.

Mr. Smith ftated, that the fums formerly given to a Prince of Wales had been granted out of the civil lift. Both George the Second and the late Prince of Wales were married, and had feveral children, at the time that their establishment was extended to a hundred thousand pounds; and then the application was made to the King, not to the country for a shilling of it. But the King refufed on account of his own numerous iffue; and observed, that though the Prince's family was large, his allowance was competent. Befides, the national debt was then forty-eight millions, and the intereft but two millions; whereas it was now three hundred millions, and nine millions of intereft, with a continual increafe of burden.

In the fame reign of George the Second, his Majesty had been under the neceflity of applying to Parliament for the payment of fome arrears which had accrued on the civil lift; and in his meffage to the Parliament on that occafion, he intimated, that in confideration of that, he fhould make fome confiderable

confiderable retrenchments and deductions in the expences of the civil lift, by leffening and reducing feveral places and penfions appertaining to the fame. Mr. Smith faid he wifhed a fimilar conduct had been purfued upon the prefent occafion; and instead of the burden being thrown entirely on the people, that it should have been borne by thofe who were much better able to struggle under its weight.

Mr. Smith profeffed himself as true a friend to the monarchy as any Member of that Houfe; but he thought that fplendour and dignity had been confounded in the course of the debate; fplendour might indeed fometimes add to dignity, but on other occafions, as on the prefent, dignity might be moft effectually confulted by an abatement of fplendour; there were many offices in the households, both of the Monarch and the Prince of Wales, which, while they were highly honourable in themselves, loft much of their dignity by the perfons holding them receiving the falaries they did.—These offices were held by Noblemen of the first distinction, and who were ftyled in the civil lift Menial Servants of the Crown, or of the Prince. He had not the fmalleft doubt in his mind but that the firft Dukes and Lords in the land, really deemed it an honour, and felt the highest pleasure, in being constantly about the perfon of their Sovereign, and being continually receiving the gratification of his daily converfe and perfonal regards-but when he contemplated thofe Noble Perfonages in the character of a Mafter of the Horfe, or a Lord of the Bedchamber, he could not conceive that they derived additional dignity to their characters, or that their fervices reflected additional dignity on the Crown, from their receiving feverally one or two thousand a year for the fervices they performed. On the contrary, he thought that every Nobleman who held any of the great offices of ftate, would poffefs and juftly entitle himself to real dignity in the minds of the people, who would fay to themselves and to the Public when they accepted their office, "I am proud to ferve my King and my country in this truly honourable ftation, but as a Nobleman of great fortune, and thereby a truly independent man, I difdain to accept of any emoluments of office, because my fortune being great, I think my refufal to accept them will reflect more real Splendour and dignity on the office I hold, and on the Monarch who confers it, than can poffibly refult from my receiving annual wages for the performance of that duty which is held out to the world, as reflecting honour on me who perform it, and fplendeur on him who confers its duties upon me."

There was only one point more, Mr. Smith faid, on which he would trouble the Houfe, and that was, that it at once furprifed

prised and grieved him, that no advice had been given to his Majefty, or at least that no intimation had been given by him, that he was ready and willing to bear any part of the burden of paying the Prince's debts. He wifhed, for the fake of the dignity and fplendour of the monarchy, that this had been done; but as it had not, the beft and safest way that he knew of, was to vote such an establishment as fhould prevent the Prince from incurring future debts, and that would decidedly weigh with him to fupport the original motion, and vote against the amendment.

Mr. Fox faid, that confcious what he felt it his duty to fay would be acceptable neither to the Crown, the Prince of Wales, nor the majority of the Houfe, or of the country, he could have no particular inducement to be very forward in troubling the Committee with his opinion. Yet, notwithstanding, he fhould not relax in the confcientious discharge of that duty he was bound to perform. His Majefty, he was affured, was above confidering improperly any thing stated in that House, although what he was about to ftate, he was aware, would neither be agreeable to the Court nor to the Prince: Nor should he perhaps concur even with any of his friends in that House, or with the majority of the Members prefent, or the Public at large. It was undoubtedly neceffary to fupport the fplendour of the Crown as an effential part of the conftitution; but he did not understand calling it, as it had been called, the centre of the constitution. The Crown was dear to every man who loved the constitution, but not dearer than other parts of it, not dearer than the Houfe of Commons, the popular branch of the conftitution. To the chief magiftrate in all governments, republics as well as monarchies, a certain degree of fplendour was neceffary. He never could defire to fubvert thofe fyftems which had the approbation of experience in every country and every age. The ancient republics were convinced how requifite fplendour was to dignify their government, and lend authority to their proceedings, and the late transactions of a modern republic were in fome manner anomalous. This was a point clear from the hiftory and practice of all governments, but fubject to modification, as circumftances might require. There were cafes in which the dignity of the Crown might be better upheld by relinquishing part of its accustomed fplendour than by a strict adherence to it. The Right Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Pitt), he remarked, had produced but one queftion, which comprehended the whole of the important bufinefs under difcuffion. He therefore took a view of the general fubject before he specifically examined the queftion itself. Much had been faid of the establishments of

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former Princes of Wales as precedents. Sorry he was that he could not look to thofe precedents as the most creditable part of the history of the Houfe of Brunswick. The establishment of George II. when Prince of Wales, had been a mere matter of party; how much more that of his fon Frederick Prince of Wales? For George II. when Prince of Wales, 50,000l. was deemed ample provifion, and how much more was allowed to Frederick, the father of his prefent Majesty? 50,000l. was deemed ample provifion for him too for many years, although he had a family of four children, and confequently an increased household; yet afterwards this was fuddenly doubled, and 100,000l. was granted; 60,000l. a year when he happened to differ in political opinion from his Majesty's ministers, and 100,000l. when he afterwards agreed with them. He had too much refpect for the memory of that Prince, to impute to him motives inconfiftent with the honour of his high ftation, inconfiftent with the honour of any private gentleman; but the circumstance gave room to fufpicions in the country, as injurious in their tendency to the Prince as to the people, for mutual respect and confidence were neceffary to the interefts of both. What he deprecated on the prefent occafion, Mr. Fox faid, was a conduct on the part of the Houfe that might expofe any Prince of Wales to fuch fufpicions. Let all men fee that they meant to be guided only by the actual principles of the cafe, and not by regard to the individual; and here he must lament the whole conduct of Government with respect to the establishment of his Royal Highnefs. When an allowance of 50,000l. a year in addition to the Dutchy of Cornwall was propofed, he thought it infufficient. Why then, it would be asked, being one of his Majefty's minifters at the time, did he concur in that allowance? He concurred, declaring his opinion of its infufficiency, because it was then an experiment, and great deference was due to the opinion of his Majefty, who gave the whole fum out of the civil lift, without calling for the aid of Parliament, and thought that it would be fufficient. A few years after, other ministers advised his Majefty to apply to Parliament to exonerate the civil lift from this allowance to the Prince. 1787 an Hon. Magiftrate (Alderman Newnham) brought the fubject again before Parliament, when provifion was made for paying the debts of his Royal Highness, and 10,000l. a year was added to his income. This was no new experiment, but the refult of an experiment already made. He then thought 60,000l. a year in addition to the Dutchy of Cornwall an infufficient allowance; but his mouth was stopped by the terms of the King's Meffage, conveying very clearly both the King's opinion

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