elves a civic guard. A deputation was sent, requesting smoke, consequently, became a proof of loyalty, and him to return to his dominions, which he declined, but not to smoke a proof of disaffection. The Austrians appointed a regency. In order to coerce him to come, it resented this anti-tobacco movement, and resolved to was proposed to seize his revenue and sequestrate his put a stop to it. Accordingly, on the 3rd of January, palace. The men turned out in great numbers, and the 1848, the troops were amply supplied with unsaleable women in bands paraded the streets, carrying the ponti- cigars, and ordered to smoke them ostentatiously in the fical colours. The plan had the desired effect: the Duke streets. This insolent defiance by the foreign troops came back, and was received with great enthusiasm. had the desired effect. The people were annoyed, and In Tuscany, also, the Grand Duke made concessions to insulted the troops; the latter drew their swords, killthe people. The consequence was, that the revolutionary ing some, and wounding many. This incident furparty in other states was inspired with the greatest nished the occasion for the only response the Austrian confidence by these successes. At Florence, a national Government would deign to give, at that time, to the guard was appointed. At night, 10,000 national guards demand for reform. Marshal Radetsky was the Comassembled, and marched in torchlight procession, pre-mander-in-Chief of the Austrian forces in Italy, with ceded by the busts of Pius IX. and Leopold II., the his head-quarters at Milan. On the 15th of January whole city being illuminated, and the houses decorated he issued a general order to his troops, in which he with the national flag. On the 8th of February, 1848, said "The efforts of fanatics, and a false spirit of Charles Albert, King of Sardinia, promulgated a new innovation, will be shivered against your courage and enstitution, in the preamble of which he said fidelity like glass striking against a rock. My hand still "Now, therefore, that the times are ripe for greater firmly holds this sword that during sixty-five years I things, and in the midst of the changes which have have carried with honour upon so many fields of battle. occurred in Italy, wo hesitate no longer to give our I still know how to use it to protect the peace of a people the most solemn proof that we are able to give of country only lately so happy, and which a furious the faith which we continue to repose in their devotion faction threatens to precipitate into incalculable misery.” and discretion." The constitution was to consist of This was followed up, early in February, by a letter Chambers, accompanied by guarantees of freedom, two to the Viceroy from the Emperor, in which he said that formed as nearly as possible after the model of the he had already done for the Lombardo-Venetian kingBritish constitution, and evidently serving as an example dom all that the Viceroy had thought necessary to to the German States in the constitutions which they pro- satisfy the wants and wishes of the different provinces; mulgated during the same year. In adopting this course, that he was not disposed to make any further concesthe King knew well that he was giving mortal offence to sions; and that if disturbances occurred, he relied on Austria, whose troops were stationed along his frontier, the courage and loyalty of his troops. Thus challenged menacing his independence. Austrian troops also had and defied, the people of Lombardy sullenly awaited the been ordered to occupy Ferrara, in order to intimidate time when they might dare to strike their tyrants. The the Pope. When this was done, Charles Albert offered French Revolution came opportunely for their purpose; to assist his holiness with an army to repel the invasion, but they felt that their time had not fully come till the it being his duty, he said, as an Italian power, to cause Imperial power had succumbed to revolution in Vienna. all the states of the Peninsula to be respected, as It was then felt that Austria's extremity was Italy's guaranteed by the treaties of Vienna. On the 3rd of opportunity. The Milanese, however, made a preOctober the reforming King went on a visit to Genoa, liminary effort to obtain by peaceful means the conceswhere he was received with tumultuous acclamation, sions they required. They demanded, in the first place, being met at the gates by 50,000 persons, who followed the suppression of the old police, by which they had him in procession to his palace, bearing popular banners been so long tormented, and the establishment of a new and devices. In the evening he rode through the force, subject to the municipal authorities; the abolition streets amidst the crowds of rejoicing people, when he of the laws regarding state offences, and the immediate was greeted with loud cries of "Amnesty! amnesty!" It liberation of political prisoners, by whom the gaols were is said that he was affected to tears, and stretching forth filled; a provisional regency of the kingdom; liberty of his hands, exclaimed-"My people, my brethren, what the press; and the convocation of the district councils for you ask shall be done. You shall be satisfied. I will the purpose of electing a national assembly. accord all that can make you happy." The aspirations of the people for freedom were very differently regarded by the Government in Lombardy, which groaned under the iron despotism of Austria. The arrival of a new archbishop at Milan, in September, 1847, was the occasion of a seditious demonstration in the streets, when loud cries of "Down with the Austrians!" were heard on every side. The Government had a monopoly of the cultivation and sale of tobacco in that province; and, in order to retaliato upon it, the liberal party resolved to discontinue smoking. To Of course these demands were disregarded. On the 17th of March, however, the Milanese became impatient and clamorous, and assembled in large numbers around the Government House. In order to disperse them, the soldiers fired blank cartridge. At this moment a fiery youth appeared, shouting "Viva l'Italia!" and then, apparently, gave the preconcerted signal by firing a pistol at the troops. Instantly the guards were overpowered, the Vice-Governor, O'Donnell, was made prisoner, and the success of the movement was quickly signalised by the floating of the tri-colour over the palace. That night and the next day (Saturday) the people were busily occupied in the erection of barricades. The bells of Milan tolled early on Sunday morning, summoning the population, not to worship, but to battle. An immense tri-colour flag floated from the tower of the cathedral, and under that emblem of revolution the unarmed people, men and women, fought fiercely against Radetsky's Imperial troops, and in spite of his raking cannon, for five days. It was the most terrific scene of street fighting by an enraged people who had broken their chains that had ever occurred in the history of the world. Every stronghold was defended by cannon, and yet one by one they all fell into the hands of the people, till at last the troops remained masters of only the gates of the city. But the walls were scaled by emissaries, who announced to the besieged that Pavia and Brescia were in open insurrection, and that the Archduke, son of the Viceroy, had been taken prisoner. The citizens also communicated with the insurgent population outside by means of small balloons, containing proclamations, requesting them to break down the bridges and destroy the roads, to prevent reinforcements coming to the Austrians. In vain the Austrian cannon thundered from the Tosa and Romagna gates. The undaunted peasantry pressed forward in increasing numbers, and carried the positions. Radetsky was at length compelled to order a retreat, which he accounted for thus:-" Soldiers, the treachery of our allies, the fury of an enraged people, and the scarcity of provisions, oblige me to abandon this city of Milan, for the purpose of taking position on another line, from which, at your head, I can return to victory." He retired to Crema, where he issued an order stating that the severest discipline should be maintained; and that if any person was found with arms in his hands, he should be handed over to a military commission, and, if convicted, immediately shot. In the meantime, a Provisional Government was appointed at Milan, which issued an earnest appeal to all Italians to rise in arms. "We have conquered," they said; "we have compelled the enemy to fly." The proclamation also intimated that Charles Albert was hastening to their assistance, "to secure the fruits of the glorious revolution,” to fight the last battle of independence and the Italian Union. Venice quickly followed the example of Milan, snapping asunder the Austrian chains, and establishing a Provisional Government. The Common Council had met to consider what concessions should be required from the Austrian Governor; and they resolved that nothing less would satisfy them than the possession of their own fortifications and their own arms. This demand being of course refused, the insurrection commenced. The first movement of the insurgents was to liberate the political prisoners. Among these was Manin, who afterwards so gloriously defended the city against the Austrians. He was borne in triumph through the streets, and became at once the leader of the revolution. He seized the keys of the arsenal. The workmen of that establishment killed Colonel Marinovich. The Governor of the city seemed paralysed, and 77 resigned his authority into the hands of the military commander, who threatened to destroy the city; but seeing the whole population were united, firm, and resolute, he agreed to surrender the place, which was evacuated by the troops, leaving behind them all the military stores, and a considerable sum of money. Immediately on their departure a republic was proclaimed; and on the 26th of March, the fact was announced to Lombardy in the following address: "We hailed with infinite joy the account of the emancipation of our generous sister of Lombardy. On the very day when, you shook off the Austrian yoke, a Provisional Government of the Venetian Republic was proclaimed here, under the glorious banner of St. Mark. We are influenced by no local prejudice; we are, above all, Italians, and the ensign of St. Mark figures on the tri-coloured banner. We are united to you, Lombards, not only by the tie of affection, but also by a community of misfortunes and hopes. When the hallowed soil of the country shall have ceased to be sullied by the feet of the foreign oppressor, we shall join you in discussing the form of Government most conducive to our common glory." The enthusiasm which now pervaded the whole Italian peninsula was unbounded, and broke forth in frantic expressions of joy and triumph. The days of Continental despotism seemed numbered at last. The republic had been established in France; the Emperor had fled from Vienna; his greatest general, and one of his best armies, had been driven from Milan, by the armed people, with the assistance, of some thousands of Italian troops, who had deserted from the Imperial eagles. Everything promised well for the cause of Italian freedom and unity. The Italian troops stationed at Bergamo, Cremona, Brescia, and Rovigo joined the insurgents. The Austrian garrisons were compelled to abandon Padua and several other places, while the great fortress of Verona was held with difficulty. In the south of Italy, the cause of despotism was going down rapidly. Deceived by the promises of the King of Naples, the people of Sicily resolved to trust him no longer. In January, 1848, an address to the Sicilians was issued from Palermo, which stated that prayers, pacific protestations, and demonstrations had all been treated by Ferdinand with contempt. Were they, a people born free, now loaded with chains, and reduced to misery, to delay any longer the assertion of their rights? No! At the break of day, on January the 12th, they would see the signal for the glorious era of universal regeneration. Palermo would receive with transport every Sicilian who should come armed to sustain the common cause, and establish reformed institutions, "in conformity with the progress and will of Italy and of Pius IX." Property was to be respected, robbery was to be punished as high treason, and whoever was in want would be supplied at the common charge. The King's birthday was kept at Palermo by unfurling the banner of revolution, and calling the citizens to arms. The royal troops retired into the barracks, the forts, and the palace, leaving the streets and squares in possession of the insurgents. They began, however, to shell the of government. He had promulgated a plan for the city, till a united remonstrance from the consuls ob- organisation of the executive in nine departments; the tained a suspension of hostilities. The garrison was chiefs of which were to compose the Council of Ministers, soon reinforced by 6,000 men, conveyed by nine to consist partly of laymen, with a cardinal as secretary. steamers from Naples. But the state of public feeling This Consulta was to examine all public measures, and in that city, the danger of another insurrection there, approve of them before they were submitted to the and the determination of the Sicilians, caused the weak Sovereign. The admission of the lay element by the and wavering King, Ferdinand II., to yield; and, on Government was in itself a considerable revolution; but the 28th of January, a royal decree appeared upon the it was only inserting the wedge which the revolutionary walls of Naples, granting a constitution for the King- hammer was to drive through the heart of the Papal dom of the Two Sicilies. Orders were sent the same Government. Before the French Revolution, Pio Nono day to Palermo for the withdrawal of the Neapolitan was in advance of his time, and set an example of protroops, and an amnesty for political offences soon was pub-gress to his sons on other despotic thrones; but that lished. The troops remained in the garrison, however, and occasional conflicts took place between them and the citizens till the 2nd of May, when an armistice was agreed to, which lasted to the 2nd of August. In the meantime, the elections had taken place under the new constitution, which the King had promulgated; but the Chamber proceeded to modify it, to which the King objected. The people, led on by the National Guard, which had been established, determined to support the Assembly. On the 15th of March, therefore, barricades were erected in the streets, the royal palace was occupied by troops, and artillerymen stood by their guns with lighted matches in their hands. The accidental firing of a gun led to a collision with the Swiss troops; thereupon, a tremendous battle commenced, which lasted for eight hours, the lazzaroni fighting against the citizens, and committing such atrocities, that the French Admiral, Bandin, who had a squadron in the bay, threatened to land a force to prevent further violence and bloodshed, if the slaughter continued. The troops then ceased firing; but martial law was proclaimed, the National Guard was disbanded, and the Chamber of Deputies dissolved. The Sicilian Chambers met on the 13th of April, and voted the deposition of the Royal family of Naples. It was resolved to elect a new king, and to join the league for the independence of Italy. The prince chosen King of Sicily was the Duke of Genoa, second son of Charles Albert, with the title of Albert Amedeus I., King of Sicily. Messina had revolted, and a fleet was sent from Naples to reduce it. A bombardment commenced, September 3, and was continued night and day. The insurgents bravely defended themselves till their provisions were exhausted, and they were scarcely able to stand to their guns. Their ammunition had been all consumed. On the other hand, reinforcements by thousands were poured in from a fleet of Neapolitan steamers. The city was now on fire in every quarter. The insurgents were unable to return a single shot. The victorious royalists then began to massacre the unresisting inhabitants. They fled in every direction from their murderous assailants, 10,000 of them finding shelter on board French and English vessels, while the Bourbon standard floated over the smoking ruins of Messina. The Pope had been labouring to satisfy his subjects by effecting some mitigation of the ecclesiastical system event gave Continental society such a tremendous start The populace, however, became gradually more unmanageable. The cardinals were insulted wherever they appeared in the streets. In the new administration, Count Rossi-formerly Ambassador from Franceoccupied the post of Prime Minister. He was the object of popular distrust; and it was supposed that by his temporising policy, and the feint of practical reforms, he was merely trying to gain time, and to delude the people-so, at least, thought the revolutionary party. The 15th of November was the day appointed proceeded to the Quirinal, with a programme drawn for the opening of the Chambers. There was great public excitement on the occasion; but no serious disturbance was apprehended. The day was signalised, however, by an outrage with which all Europe was shocked. It is stated that the secret societies had arranged it beforehand, and that the assassin intrusted with the execution of the deed had practised on a block, that he might not miss his aim. Count Rossi, the object of the conspiracy, had received several warnings in anonymous letters, and even one from a priest, who, in order to save him, broke the seal of the confessional. But the courageous Minister disregarded all these warnings. When he alighted from his carriage, at the door of the Assembly, he was assailed with shouts of execration. As he ascended the steps the crowd pressed round him, cries were heard, uplifted daggers gleamed, and, turning suddenly round towards some one who mentioned his name, he was stabbed in the neck, and dropped dead on the spot. A number of persons with Vicenza medals closed round the body, while the assassin quietly walked off, and was lost in the crowd, no attempt whatever being made to arrest him. The murder of Count Rossi was one of the worst deeds that stained the annals of revolution in 1848. A man of humble origin, he had risen by his talent and industry to the highest reputation as an advocato. Having settled at Genoa as a political refugee, his learning and eloquence, and the integrity of his character, won for him the esteem of all parties. He was a professor of law there, and a member of the Diet. Attracted by his learning and talents, Guizot invited him to Paris in 1833. There he rose so rapidly, that he was created a peer in 1839; and in 1845 he was sent as French Ambassador to Rome. It was through his influence and advice that Pius IX. entered on his career of reform. He went heartily with the movement for Italian independence, and sent his son to the army of Charles Albert; but the successes of Radetsky, hereafter to be mentioned, seemed to extinguish his hopes. He was living in retirement, when the Pope appealed to him to form a liberal Ministry-a task which he undertook on the 16th of September, and had been only one short month in power when he was cut off. At that time there was no class of statesmen so hateful to the Red Republicans as those molerate men who endeavoured to establish constitutional government. Had Rossi been spared, he would have done for the Roman States, as far as the Papal system permitted, what Cavour afterwards did for the whole of Italy. It is stated that after the murder of Rossi, the Assembly went on with the business of the day as if nothing had happened, taking no notice of the outrage; and that in the afternoon a crowd of persons paraded the streets, with colours flying, carrying banners, and singing in honour of the assassin. The French ambassador at Rome, M. Harcourt, in a dispatch to his own Government, drew a striking picture of the state of the city at this crisis. On the 16th of November, the day after the assassination, an immense multitude up at the Popular Club. It called for the dismissal of the ministry, the election of a constituent assembly, and a declaration of war against Austria. One hundred Swiss soldiers, with a body guard, formed the Pope's sole protection. When the Swiss saw the hostile demonstration, they immediately closed the gates, just as the diplomatic corps had entered, hastening to surround the sovereign pontiff, and give him their moral support. The people first thundered for admission at the gates, and then endeavoured to set the principal one on fire. A few shots from the Swiss caused the assailants to withdraw. They were dispersing, when the civic guard, the gendarmerie, the troops of the line, and the Roman Legion, numbering some thousands, all in uniform, with the military band at their head, marshalled themselves in order of battle, and began to fire at the palace windows. One of the cardinals was shot dead in his chamber. The Swiss defended the palace with their usual fidelity, and the insurgents were obliged to bring cannon to force the gates. The Pope, who showed much coolness and courage on this trying occasion, when defended by a handful of foreign soldiers, many of them no doubt Protestants, against his own people; but he saw that resistance was impossible, and to avoid the shedding of blood, he yielded to the demands of the insurgents, and signed the decree, appointing the ministers, whose names they had inscribed upon a flag. At their head were two of the revolutionary leaders, Mamiani and Galtelli. At first the Pope said, “I cannot sign that; it is against my conscience." But the cries were raised louder and louder, "Sign! sign!" He did sign at length, and then the city was illuminated, and the people shouted joyfully through the streets, "The Sovereign has given us a republic." Thenceforth he took no part in public affairs, and remained a prisoner in his palace, though the Government was still carried on his name. It was not to be expected that the head of the Roman Catholic Church would remain long in that position. But the difficulty was to get out of the city unobserved. The plan adopted succeeded admirably. The Bavarian ambassador paid him a visit in his carriage with two footmen, one of whom sat beside the coachman. The Pope dressed himself in this man's suit of livery, took his place in the box, and passed out undetected. Arrived at the ambassador's residence in the suburbs, the livery was exchanged for the costume of a chaplain, and the Pope thus attired travelled to Gaeta in the carriage with the ambassador, Count de Spaur. There the Pope had recourse to his appropriate weapons, and fulminated anathemas against his enemies. His thunders excited only ridicule amidst the roar of artillery, or the shouts of an insurgent democracy. But the earnest appeals which he made to the great Catholic Powers had a different effect. He recited all the acts that he had done in promoting the cause of reform, all the concessions he had made, and declared that the revolutionary decrees he had signed were extorted by direct compulsion, and were therefore null |