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H. OF R.]

Kentucky Election.-Bank United States Investigation.

[MAY 29, 1834.

Kentucky in the decision of that case are not spread on but for a year, have ever voted, and their right is clear record; and it is well known to be the law, that residence beyond a doubt; but the absurd and unjust principle here must be made out by facts, being, as it were, a compound advanced would cut them off, and perhaps render their of act and intention; and the declarations of a party at the situation such that they could never exercise the right. time go to show intent, and form a part of the re jestæ of The governor of Kentucky, who has only a temporary the transaction; and all the main circumstances must be residence in the town of Frankfort, exercises the privshown to prove the actual state of the fact, which is not ilege of voting, and no doubt the President of the United attempted in the case referred to. Upon what reason, States has the right of voting in this city. He does not then, the majority of the committee can apply the case of now reside at the Hermitage. His residence is at the Ellison to the Danville students, without knowing the White House, and how long he will continue there no facts connected with his residence, I am at a loss to know; one can tell. and, as they have not been pleased to give the principle Mr. Speaker, the resolution now before the House is upon which they acted, I must suppose that at least this intended to deprive Mr. Letcher of the seat, notwithbranch of the report was penned without due considera-standing he has the voice of a clear majority of legal tion. Upon this subject I am well acquainted, from my voters. By this resolution we are called upon, under the own personal knowledge of the facts. I knew Ellison pretext of certain strange constructions, to defeat the will from my boyhood; he was my neighbor; he had a family, of the sovereign people-to exclude votes-to disfranbecame embarrassed, and left them without making any chise brave, virtuous, and independent freemen. We are declaration whatever of his intention. He wandered called upon to deprive the people of the fifth congresdown the Mississippi and into Texas, and at length return- sional district of their legal representative, and sanctify ed to his family, after an absence of some four or five the corrupt acts of Alfred Hocker. We are called upon years, and was residing with them in Montgomery county, to say that those people shall not have the right to choose when he gave his vote for Mason. If these facts had been their public servant, as guarantied to them by the constiknown to the gentleman from Georgia, [Mr. JONES,] I am tution of the country, but we will make the choice for sure he, and others acting with him, would not have con-them-no, no, that the power shall be given to Alfred tended that this case formed a principle for the exclusion Hocker. Yes, I say we are called upon to give a decision of the students of the Danville college. If Ellison had which will put it in the power of a mere deputy sheriff to made his departure with his family, no one would con- defeat the will of the people, and put down a legal memtend that he had not lost his residence, and would not ber of Congress, just according to his will and pleasure. have been a legal voter. Let us now see the different I pray the House to pause, reflect, and consider well, situation of the Danville students. It appears from the before they act.

I

depositions that they are all single men, some upwards of Mr. Speaker, I have endeavored to show the inconsis-
twenty-seven years of age, and, having resided at the col-tencies of gentlemen, and point out the contradictions,
lege from two to five years, they work on the roads, pay one against the other, even of those who stand together
tax, and perform militia duty; the declare their intention in a common cause. They seem, as it were, to have
not to return again for the purpose of making their home wantonly pulled some machinery asunder, without being
with their parents; and some state, when they finish their able to replace the several parts. I have endeavored to
education, they intend to go where Providence shall diaid them by placing, as I conceive, the several parcels in
rect. From these facts the inquiry is fairly presented, proper order, and in such a way that the whole, if I may
Are these persons legal voters of Mercer county, accord-be allowed the expression, is now a unit; such, I hope, is
ing to the constitution and laws of Kentucky? The con- my argument. I know that I have said some things, per-
stitution, in express terms, gives the right of voting "in haps, not very pertinent to the subject-matter before
the county or town in which he may actually reside at the the House. My object was not to weary, but to give
time of the election." Will any one seriously contend, some relief-add some variety to a dry debate. Without
after viewing these expressions, and the facts referred to, a little spice, men will not swallow every thing. I am
that these students did not actually reside at the college now quite exhausted, and must come to a close. If any
in Mercer county at the last election? If they did not, I thing is left to be said, other gentlemen can follow.
beg of gentlemen to inform me where they did reside. I hope that I have not hurt the feelings of any one; I did
believe such a question will puzzle the wits of the opposi- not intend it. If I shave a little, I wish to do it smoothly.
tion to give an answer. When men locate themselves, It is never my design to cut with scalpel or kitchen knife;
work on roads, pay tax, perform militia duty, and engage but, as a political doctor, I had rather, in the language of
in the business of the county, without avowing any other Colman's song, prescribe sodorifics and going to bed.
home, do they not become citizens of the place to all in- When Mr. DAVIS had finished-his remarks-
tents and purposes? They not only actually reside there, Mr. JONES (chairman of the Committee of Elections)
but, according to the animus manendi, become domiciled moved to amend the resolution reported by the com-
according to the definition of the civil law, for which the mittee, by inserting the words "by qualified voters”
gentlemen have so strenuously contended. Yet this class after the words "votes given," so as to present to the
of citizens are denied the right of suffrage by the majority House the question, whether votes given by qualified
of the committee of investigation; their rights are involv-voters at Lancaster, in Garrard county, before the hour
ed in this inquiry; they have a deep interest in the decis- of ten o'clock, should be allowed or not; and also to strike
ion of this House; and upon the decision depends that in- out the word "casual," before the words "absence of
valuable privilege which alone belongs to freemen; and the sheriff," so as to designate votes given while the
am sure the House will pause and ponder well before they sheriff was purposely absent from the poll, and present
rob them of it. Some gentlemen contend that the right the question whether such votes should be allowed.
of voting is acquired by domicil, by which they say is
meant the habitation in a place, with an intention of al-
ways staying there. It is not necessary for me to inquire
whether such is really the meaning of Vattel, as it is con-
tended; it will meet my purpose to prove that such is not
the language or the meaning of the constitution of Ken-
tucky, which I think I have assuredly done. According
to our practice, which is never questioned, circuit riders
and other ministers of the gospel who reside in a county the House to submit the following resolutions:

Mr. J. replied at some length to the speech of Mr.
DAVIS; and, when he concluded his remarks,
The House adjourned.

THURSDAY, MAY 29.

BANK U. S. INVESTIGATION.

Mr. J. Q. ADAMS obtained the unanimous consent of

MAY 29, 1834.]

Adjournment of Congress.

[H. OF R.

Resolved, That the select committee of this House, ap-adjournment. But he was now convinced they would not pointed on the 4th of April last, tu investigate the pro- be, and that all that would be acted upon were those ceedings of the Bank of the United States, be discharged named by the chairman of the Committee of Ways and from the further consideration of the subject referred to Means as of a public nature. He had indulged the hope therein. that there would have been some expression of opinion, Resolved, That in the transactions of the said commit-on the part of Congress, as to the reasons presented to tee with the president and directors of the Bank of the United States, as set forth in the reports of the committee and in the correspondence annexed to the same, no contempt of the lawful authority of this House has been offered by the said president and directors of the bank, or by any one of them.

them, by the Secretary of the Treasury, for the removal of the deposites by him from that place where they were placed by law; and he could only say for himself, (and he could not see how other members could escape from coming to the same conclusion,) that it was their duty to do so. The majority in the House was especially called Resolved, That any order of this House to the Sergeant-on, by a due regard for the character of the Chief Magisat-arms to arrest and bring to the bar of the House the trate, involved in the act of removal, for that of the president and directors of the Bank of the United States, Secretary, and for the bank; it was due alike from reor any one of them, to answer for an alleged contempt of gard to the constitution and to their constituents, not to the authority of the House, as proposed by the conclu- adjourn without a deliberate expression of their opinion. ding resolution offered by the report of the majority of But he would not dwell upon this, further than to exthe said select committee, would be an unconstitutional, press his surprise that the House had not been willing to arbitrary, and oppressive abuse of power. meet the issue presented to them by the Secretary, and thus declare whether his reasons were satisfactory or not. He had also hoped, before they separated, they, the representatives of the people, chosen to guard the public treasures, would have fixed upon some principles, some law by which those treasures were to be in future regulated.

Mr. ADAMS said it was his intention to propose these resolutions as a substitute for those reported by the majority of the committee appointed to investigate the affairs of the Bank of the United States, when the reports should come up for consideration.

On motion of Mr. A., the resolutions were ordered to be printed.

ADJOURNMENT OF CONGRESS.

The member from Tennessee said he was desirous to take up the bill for this purpose. He (Mr. E.) would be most happy if there was any reasonable prospect The House then took up the joint resolution, submitted that such a bill could be got through. He did not, howby Mr. Boox, fixing the 16th day of June for the adjourn-ever, suppose there was. The public treasure being at ment of Congress. present without the safeguard of any known law, was to be left

Mr. POLK said, although he felt that it was time to fix a day upon which Congress should adjourn, yet, considering the state of business before the House, the day named was too early. He had voted, on a former occa- Mr. ELLSWORTH considered that he had a right to alsion, for a postponement of the consideration of this sub-lude to this bill, as connected with the resolution to ject, under the hope that, in the mean time, they would adjourn; but he would forbear. There was another subhave made some progress in the important measures be-ject, the disposition of the public domain, one of parafore them. But, in that time, scarcely any of public im-mount importance, also, to be passed by, which he was portance had been disposed of, with the exception of the most anxious to have acted upon. He foresaw that these bill making foreign silver coins a legal tender. The ap- would not be taken up, or, if so, not acted upon; and, propriation bills for Indian annuities, it was true, had feeling that the earliest day named would give sufficient been ordered to be engrossed for a third reading; those time for all the bills that were likely to be passed, he for the harbors and the Cumberland road were in a sta'e would vote for that day. of forwardness; that for the construction and repair of fortifications was in the Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union-so that it would not take a great while to dispose of them all. The bill to regulate the deposites in the State banks it was his design to call up immediately after these shall have been disposed of. And, having these in full view, he was constrained, although anxious for adjournment, to say that the 16th could not, with safety to the public business, be fixed upon. He would, therefore, suggest to the honorable mover of the resolution a day by which, in all probability, these could be got through with. The 23d of June appeared to him to be that day which presented a reasonable prospect of accomplishing this object; and he hoped he would modify his resolution by inserting it.

[The SPEAKER said the gentleman must confine his remards to the subject before the House.]

Mr. BOON said he had already yielded to the suggestion of some honorable members, to prolong the day which in his opinion it was necessary for Congress to adjourn. The subject was now in possession of the House, and he did not feel authorized to modify it. He left it to the honorable chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means to propose an amendment to the resolution if he thought proper.

Mr. ELLSWORTH said he could only express his own individual opinion. He would vote for the earliest day at would be satisfactory to the House. The earlier the better There were bills on the table which he had indulged the hope would have been acted upon prior to an

VOL. X.--271

Mr. HARDIN could not concur in the views expressed by the member from Connecticut, as affording a good reason to adjourn at an early day; and contended that, with a due regard to the business before the House, and that which was before the Senate, the time specified was too short. The Senate, it should be recollected by the House, had, in addition to their other heavy business, much of what might be called vexed Executive business to act upon. He would, therefore, move to insert the 30th instead of the 16th of June.

Mr. BEARDSLEY contended for the earliest day. He said that the House had been told, when the resolution was first introduced, that, if its consideration was postponed, they would be in a better position to decide upon the time that should be fixed. They had postponed the consideration of the resolution, and what was the result? The House knew, and the country knew, that scarcely any business had been done. They had done nothing, unless he might say it was something to put matting in the Hall; while that was doing, some honorable members were taking a trip to Virginia for amusement, and then having some talk about the Kentucky election. He believed nothing of importance would be attended to, unless there was a day fixed. He was glad, however, to see there was some unanimity as to fixing some day. That question was for the House, in its judgment, to fix. They were to judge for themselves what day was must proper for that purpose. It was not, as the honorable member

H. or R.].

Adjournment of Congress.

[MAY 29, 1834.

[Mr. J. Q. ADAMS] two months past; and although no official information on the subject was laid before Congress later than the 5th of February, yet this information had not been sent. Considering, then, the business before them, he believed that the House would be acting precipitately if they fixed upon an earlier day than the 30th of June; and if in that time the business of importance was not done, he would consent to go home and tell his constituents, not what they had done, but what Congress had left undone.

from Kentucky supposed, what day was to suit the Sen- disposition on the part of the House to pass upon much ate; for that body, if they conceived the 16th inconve- of the important business which must be left unacted nient, would, no doubt, fix upon another. He would upon if the earlier day was named. The most important, contend, that if the House went to work seriously, with in his view, was that for the regulation of the deposites, the determination to do business, instead of wasting time connected with which was an inquiry into the condition by having short sittings and long speeches, that they of the State banks. Into their condition, a resolution would have it in their power to pass all the appropria-calling for information, it would be recollected, was subtion bills that were necessary in three or four days, or, mitted by the honorable member from Massachusetts at the utmost, in a week. This would leave eight or ten days for the other business; in which time, if it was likely they were ever to agree on the bill to regulate the deposites in the State banks, they would do so. They could do so certainly within this time. But even if they did agree and pass this bill, he would ask, did any one suppose that, when passed, it would find its way through the other end of the Capitol? (the Senate.) The gold coin bill, too, was of importance; but, if there was no debate on it, a few hours would suffice for it. Whether, however, it should find, ultimately, favor with the Senate, Mr. PARKER proposed to insert the 23d of June. he did not know, nor was it important. They had, also, Mr. BURGES had been willing to protract the deci the subject reported upon by the committee appointed sion upon this question, in the hope that some accident, to investigate into the bank, which honorable members propitious to the welfare of the country, might have inmight desire to debate. He should hope, however, that tervened, and induce the House to retrace its steps. But it would be disposed of without debate; if not, most cer- he had become satisfied that the moment the indispensa tainly the 16th, nor the 30th of June, nor 30th of July, ble business was done the session should be ended. would suffice to gratify the capacity of the House, so had hoped that when distress and desolation were coverwell known to all, for lengthened debates. It was a sub-ing the land, the House would have done its duty. But ject upon which gentlemen would talk until the end of the people must take the matter into their own hands. the next session. But the member from Connecticut Whenever the bill placing the deposites of public money [Mr. ELLSWORTH] thinks it incumbent on this House to into the State banks should pass, a revolution would comexpress its views in a direct form on the reasons of the mence, and ought to commence. As to the resolutions Secretary of the Treasury. So he would have the sub-reported by the investigating committee, no person dared ject of the removal of the deposites once more revived, to vote for that which proposed to drag freemen before in order that the House should speak its views. This the House for a constructive contempt. There was not was, in his view, altogether inexpedient, as the House, a tribunal in the civilized world which would enforce such to the satisfaction, he believed of the country, had fully a proposition. The only object in making it, was to take spoken upon it. If the honorable member would look the eyes of the public from that individual who was to the papers, he would daily find evidence of this. The grasping at the liberties of the people. Would the whole country knew that the House had spoken, and House adjourn and leave the public treasure in the bands spoken, too, against that institution, the Bank of the of those marauders who have got possession of it? United States, which the honorable member advocates Would the House sit here thirty days longer and not as the most proper place for the deposites. vindicate its rights?

He

Mr. CHAMBERS would not have risen to trouble the Mr. H. EVERETT moved to commit the resolution of House were it not that allusion had been made to the Mr. Boon to a select committee, with instructions to revoice of the public; he could state that there had been port what business was, in their opinion, expedient for some expression of it in two counties in Pennsylvania. the House to act upon, and to report a resolution fixing That voice was, that the House should not think of sepa- a day for the adjournment.

Mr. SPEIGHT, with a view to bring the debate to a close, called for the previous question.

88.

The House refused to second the call: Ayes 87, noes

The question being on the motion to recommit the res olution to a select committee,

Mr. BEARDSLEY moved to strike out the 23d and insert the 16th.

rating, without devising and affording some relief from Mr. BOON said, as he was anxious to meet the views their sufferings, under the pressure of that ruinous meas- of the majority, he would accept the proposition for the ure termed the experiment. Were it not for the im-25d; and modified his resolution accordingly. pression that nothing, however, would be done, wearied Mr. E. EVERETT opposed the motion for a select as he was, in common with the majority of the members, committee, &c. he would have been content to remain. But he confessed, from all that fell under his observation, he had no hope or expectation that any thing could be effected by Congress remaining longer in session. This Congress met, he said, under circumstances of more than peculiar reponsibility. They had not only to transact the ordinary business of legislation, but the whole currency of the country was deranged, which it was their duty to regulate. The business relations of an entire community were up- Mr. H. EVERETT modified the resolution by insert set-the national treasures were sent adrift, they knewing after the word "business," the words "of a public not where—and, under such circumstances, it was not matter of surprise that their tables should be loaded with the supplications of the people; that they should look to the action of the House with much interest. Notwithstanding which, there was to be evidently no action with reference to this subject. This, which it was not in his power, or that of his friends with whom he usually acted, to prevent, it was, which made him content to fix Mr. BEARDSLEY called for the yeas and nays on al upon a day to adjourn; he would prefer, however, the the propositions except that for the 7th July. day named by the chairman of the Committee of Ways Mr. P. C. FULLER renewed the call for the yeas and and Means, in order to evince that there was, at least, anays on the motion to insert the 7th July.

nature."

Mr. P. C. FULLER proposed, "and that the com mittee report on or before Tuesday next."

Mr. H. EVERETT assented; and, after some desulto ry conversation, finally withdrew his motion for a selec committee, and moved to insert in the resolution the 7th July, instead of the 16th June.

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Mr. H. EVERETT could not comply with the request. He did not regard this as a party question. It was a business question; and the responsibility of its decision rested upon every individual, according to his vote.

[H. or R.

Mr. BATES requested his friend [Mr. H. EVERETT] Mr. VANCE said he should vote for this day, although to withdraw the proposition. For himself he should he was in favor of a later day. No one could look at the vote for the earliest day named. The responsibility of state of our calendar without being convinced that, by the fixing the time should rest upon the majority, and he 23d, we could not act upon the ordinary business of the hoped the gentleman with whom he usually acted would session, to say nothing of the bill respecting the deposites. not interpose in the matter at all. What was the condition of the appropriation bills? The general appropriation bill, which occupied six weeks in its discussion here, had not yet been taken up in the Senate, and it could not be supposed that the Senate would finally act upon it by the 23d instant. Some of the appropriation Mr. SEABORN JONES was opposed to fixing any bills would be lost if the 23d instant should be fixed. day of adjournment, until some of the important meas- Mr. CAMBRELENG, in a few words, signified his ures before the House should be settled; particularly concurrence in the proposition to fix upon the 30th of that regulating the deposites of the public money. He June, and he expressed the hope that there would be did not understand the argument, that fixing the day was such a majority in favor of the motion as would evince an necessary for the despatch of business. The proper intention, on the part of the House, at least, to make an mode of hastening the day of adjournment, was to sit effort to despatch the public business. and do the business necessary, and which the country The question then recurring to the resolution as modi. required to be done. fied, with the insertion of the 16th June, Mr. POLK opposed it.

Mr. BEARDSLEY declined.

Mr. DICKSON called for the yeas and nays. Mr. WILDE wished, before he gave his vote, to learn from the gentlemen who composed the bank committee, how long a time they calculated it would require to discuss and act upon the report they had made to the House. He desired the earliest day of adjournment that would not interfere with that object.

Mr. BURD remarked that, if grave and mighty reasons to the contrary did not operate, he should vote Mr. BOON requested the honorable member from New for the earliest day proposed for the adjournment of Con-York [Mr. BEARDSLEY] to withdraw his proposition for gress. After the protracted session which we have had, the 16th. the public had a right to know why this body should spin out its session for some time longer, and why any onevoting for a proposition which would produce this result, did so? He would remark that much, very much, of the time already expended had been taken with long speeches, with what effect on this House, he could not pretend to say; but he would say, if more of its hours were taken up in action, and fewer in speaking, the business of the nation committed to our charge would be Mr. THOMAS rose, he said, to respond to the inquiry, improved thereby. Months had gone by in discussion cheerfully and readily. It was not for him to prescribe a on one subject, and finally the point evaded. If the rule of action to others in this House. But, without disrales of the House could be so changed that no one respect to others, he might undertake to answer the should be permitted to speak longer than two hours on question which had been propounded. The committee any one subject, he believed an immense advantage of investigation, he said, were disposed to call up the would accrue. In his opinion, the reasons adduced by resolutions reported by them, in good faith, and with a the honorable gentleman from Vermont were entitled sincere, correct, and unequivocal determination to carry to the serious consideration of every member of the them through. The gentleman from Georgia could anHouse. That gentleman had mentioned three bills, all of ticipate, as well as any one, the length of time which a great importance, which required the discussion of Con-subject embracing so wide a range of topics would occugress. There are many others, besides these, public py. So far as his own opinion went, he must say that he and private; also the appropriation bills now before the thought it utterly impracticable to undertake to act upon Senate; as well as the recent reports of the committee sent the questions involved in the bank report, together with to examine the bank. If the House would set to work in other business before the House, by the 16th instant. earnest much could be done in one month, and would, There were many appropriation bills to be disposed of, no doubt. And, for one, he hoped the residue of the in two of which, the canal and national road bills, his session, be it for the longest or shortest period, would be immediate constituents had a grave interest. Besides, employed in those momentous questions now before it, there was other indispensable business which would ocin which the people of this country are so deeply, so cupy the whole time of the House prior to the day named. vitally interested. If we give these matters the go-by, It would be almost ridiculous to take up the subject we had better have adjourned months ago; it would of the bank report, and attempt to dispose of it, if the have been better in every point of view; but, sir, this is House fixed the 16th of June as the day of adjournment. not expected. Our attitude is a responsible one--gen- He had had some conversation with his colleagues of tlemen talk of letting the responsibility rest on the ma- the committee on the subject, and some of them conjrity. It lights on this body, if, after all which has occurred with him in the opinion that, if that day was fixed curred, we adjourn without discharging those duties we on for the day of adjournment, it ought to be considered were sent here for, the passing of acts generally benefi- as an unequivocal declaration by the House of a detercial to the community; and of such character as many mina ion not to act upon the bank report. It would be of the measures which the shortest period mentioned impossible, in that case, to consider the subject, unless must necessarily prevent and exclude from the action of all other business should be postponed till the next sesthis House. I am, therefore, in favor of the resolution sion. He was bound to suppose that the resolutions would offered by the gentleman from Vermont. be adopted, and that they would elicit some discussion. Mr. JONES, of Georgia, moved that the consideration If they were adopted, the measures consequent upon them of the resolution be postponed until that day fortnight: would occupy some time. The fifth resolution proposed which was rejected. to authorize an attachment against twelve or fourteen in

Mr. DAVENPORT moved to postpone the considera-dividuals who had refused to testify, and committed other tion until that day week; which was also rejected: Ayes 11. contempts against the authority of the House of RepreThe question then being taken on the motion of Mr. sentatives. It would, perhaps, take the marshal or serII. EVERETT, to insert the 7th July, as the day to adjourn, geant-at-arms a week to execute the process. Could it 4 was decided, by yeas and nays, in the negative: Yeas be imagined, then, that the House could dispose of so 23, mays 117. grave a subject in the time limited by the resolution, and

H. of R.]

Adjournment of Congress.

[MAY 29, 1834.

transact also the business before it that could not be post- That House, the popular branch of the Government, on poned? Every one of the members was as capable as he which the last hope of the people rested, as being the was of judging how long the subject would be discussed. last to shrink from the discharge of duty, the very last to The report came up on Tuesday next. He should, therefore, think, if the House fixed upon the 16th instant for the adjournment, it ought to be laid upon the table.

Mr. WISE said he would not throw the lead till he heard the cry of land from the mast-head; and he therefore moved to lay the resolution for adjournment on the table. The yeas and nays were demanded on this motion, and being taken, resulted as follows: Yeas 65, nays 141.

Mr. SPEIGHT said he had been in favor of the 16th, but was now induced to believe that the 23d would be more acceptable. He moved the previous question.

The House refused to sustain it: Ayes 72, nays 102. Mr. SPANGLER moved to strike out the 23d and insert the 16th.

Mr. WILDE again inquired of the bank committee, whether the 23d would be late enough to afford time to discuss their report? If it was true that a contempt had been committed against the authority of the House; it would not, of course, adjourn, under the contempt. What court of justice ever pursued such a course? Mr. W. said his vote would be greatly governed by the opinion of the bank committee.

shake the high opinion that had been formed of their industry, patriotism, and integrity--what sort of a spectacle did they exhibit to a country so distracted; and most distracted by the example of that House itself?

They had been now in session for six months, and what had it been thus far but literally a session of words? They had been engaged in measuring swords, and trying who possessed the greatest powers of intellect. This was always very pleasant to him; it gave him great delight to listen to the speeches of gentlemen; but, when it came to action, what had been done? One gentleman would rise, and put it to another, in the manner of the British parliament, to know what he intended to do?--and how long he expected to occupy on this or on that subject? This was only occupying time to no purpose.

He was far from disparaging any members of that House; he had the greatest respect and regard for them all; he ranked them all above himself; but he could not approve of this waste of time. He had used his own feeble endeavors--he knew they were always very feeble-to fix a day of adjourment two weeks ago. He did so because he was fully convinced that nothing would now Mr. CROCKETT said he was very anxious that the be done till a day of adjournment was fixed. He had 16th should be fixed upon. The proposal for that day been drudging in Congress now for twenty-seven years, had come from a very good quarter-a quarter where and he never had seen it otherwise. Gentlemen would there was responsibility. He had never believed the never leave off speaking and go to acting till they agreed gentlemen were in earnest about this bank report: and on a day to adjourn. He did not mean by saying this to now they discovered it. They were manifestly anxious insinuate that the Congress of the United States was less to get away, that they might leave the country excited meritorious in this respect than other deliberative bodies; against the bank, as a monster that had done something far, very far, from it; on the contrary, he thought it one very mischievous. As the quarter from which this pro- of the most meritorious bodies on earth. He hoped he posal had first proceeded was able to bear the responsi- should not excite any unpleasant feelings by the remarks bility, he was of the mind that they should have it; and he felt it his duty to make. But his constituents were he therefore demanded the yeas and nays. constantly writing to him--men on both sides, on all Mr. CLAYTON having heard the gentleman from Ma-sides--"We pray you to come home: we can find out ryland [Mr. THOMAS] say that he should consider a vote nothing in the papers of what you are doing: do come for early adjournment as a resolution not to take up the home; you have been there too long: we want to see bank report, he had changed his mind; and now moved you: we know you can agree on nothing--we know this: to reconsider the vote by which the 30th of June had been come home: perhaps you can do something next session." rejected for the day of adjournment. This was the strain of their letters. Mr. J. concluded Mr. LYTLE said he was in favor of the most distant day by again professing his desire to accommodate gentlemen, proposed. The honorable gentleman from Rhode Island and on that ground he should vote for the 23d of June. [Mir. BURGES] had expressed the opinion that not more Mr. CHILTON, after professing his uniform desire, than three members would be found to stand by the reso- from the first time the subject of adjournment had been lut ons reported by the bank committee. He declared stirred, to vote for the earliest day proposed, proceeded his resolution to be one of them. He had no disposition to advert to a remark of Mr. LYTLE, which, as he unto blench. The opposition presses had long been teem-derstood it, was, that no sooner did the opposition dising with injuntions on Congress not to adjourn; and sim- cover that an examination had actually been commenced ilar language had been re-echoed in the other end of the into the affairs of the bank than they were inclined to Capitol; but no sooner did the committee return, and de-skulk.

clare that they had been treated by the bank with con- Mr. LYTLE denied having applied any such remark tumely and scorn, than gentlemen were anxious at once to the members of the House; he had spoken of the to skulk. He, for one, was ready to keep his ground. presses throughout the country. Mr. R. M. JOHNSON thought that, if the House con- Mr. CHILTON was glad the gentleman did not direct sulted its own reputation, they would adjourn at as early his remarks to the members of that House. He, for one a day as possible. There was no man in the country who was certainly not for skulking. He had voted against thought they ought to stay much longer. He said this raising the committee at all, because he believed it would with the kindest feelings to every member; he meant not end only in strife. And he regretted that the gentleman the least reflection on their motives or conduct. For from Georgia [Mr. WILDE] had manifested a disposition himself, if he did not go on the principle of compromi- to carry on the warfare through the whole summer. sing his own opinions, out of regard to those of others, Gentlemen ought to remember that they were the reprehe would vote for adjourning on the 16th; but, as that sentatives of one people, who constituted but one great was not acceptable to the House, he should now vote for family, having an identity of interests. Did any gentle the 23d-only, however, because others desired that day. man believe that any good consequences would ensue, He would venture to predict that, if the House should should they sit the whole summer through in angry de sit through all June and July, they would not accomplish bate upon the bank question? It might furnish materi more business of real importance than might well be als for party warfare all over the country, and might, per done between the present time and the 16th. What was haps, put one party down and another up, but it woul the present situation of the House? What sort of a spec- do nothing for the welfare of the country.

tacle did they present before the eyes of the people? If the happy period should ever arrive when all would

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