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MAY 29, 1834.]

Adjournment of Congress.

[H. of R.

unite their efforts for the common welfare, it would open" words were things." If the people did not get their a new era in the prospects of our free and happy insti- rights it should not be for want of their having been detutions. But there was little hope of this. There remanded; and, if wrong was done them, their oppressors mained but one course now to pursue. Suppress all agi- should daily and hourly hear of the wrongs they had pertation on questions respecting which they had differed, petrated. Talk of skulking. Who wished to skulk? and, after doing as much as practicable of the most im- He would give them full time to try the question out. portant business before them, return to their constituents, Let them exhibit the spectacle of bringing to the bar of breathe a purer air, leave behind the polluted atmos- this House a company of men, who, for integrity, talents, phere of this place, and learn what were the views and weight of character, and financial skill, stood pre-emifeelings of those who had sent them here. As to doing nent among all their countrymen; and let them make the all the business, it was hopeless; they never could get most of it. Mr. B. would not stand between the comthrough it. The longer they remained, the more it would mittee and their vengeance; let the thunders of their accumulate. He had no hope even of passing his own wrath roll as loud as they would; let the bolt fall on whom favorite bill for the pioneers of the Western forest. The it might. But of this let gentlemen be assured—there gentleman from Tennessee [Mr. POLK] had notified the was a redeeming principle in the country that would paraHouse that he should call up and press the passage of lyze the arm of oppression. They would find it so. the bill fixing the deposites in the State banks; now he But, in the mean while, let them, in heaven's name, have would put it to the candor of gentlemen to say whether, all the time they asked. if that bill should pass the House, one single man on that .floor believed it would ever become a law? How vain, then, was it to protract the session for the sake of passing it in one branch of the Legislature.

Mr. LANE said he had given several silent votes on this subject, nor should he now protract the debate, or say a word that might excite unpleasant feelings. Would to God he could hush every jarring sound; that he could He would venture the prediction that, if the subject of banish from that hall every feeling of party, so that the the deposites was again opened, the House would not members might have but one will, and that for the inadjourn all summer. If ever the investigation of the terests of their country alone. But were gentlemen presubject was commenced, it would be thorough--that gen-pared to adjourn, while every measure of importance to tlemen might reckon upon it. He did not oppose this out their constituents remained undone? What great measof the least fear of the result; he would not ask a more ure had been yet adopted to restore public confidence, certain triumph than would attend the investigation of and banish the distress which pervaded the country? the conduct of the bank. He had no idea of "skulking." There was one bill which had been alluded to by the But he deprecated the waste of time which would end in gentleman behind him, [Mr. CHILTON;] it was for the nothing. relief of the war-worn soldier, and was not yet acted on. Mr. L. said he might forget himself, but he never could forget the war-worn soldier of the forest.

Mr. BURGES, after sportively alluding to a saying of one of the ancients, that long treatises were written against the love of glory only that their authors might The gentleman from Kentucky [Mr. JOHNSON] had said have the glory of affixing their names to them, and ap- that he had never known much business done till a day plying this remark to Mr. CHILTON's deprecating long of adjournment was fixed upon. This might be so; but speeches, he went on to say that he had changed his if it were, was that a reason for fixing the day so early mind as to the day of adjournment. He had been in favor that nothing could be accomplished in the meanwhile? of the earliest day proposed; but since the bank com- If they fixed upon to-morrow, would that accomplish the mittee had declared that they should not in that case have public business? Who could believe that before the 30th time for the investigation of their report, and acting on of June all the important bills could be reached, let the the resolution reported, he was for a more distant day; debate be ever so brief, and gentlemen ever so much in and he was the more earnest on this subject after hearing earnest? Mr. L. never would consent to adjourn till the from the gentleman from Ohio [Mr. LYTLE] the intima-bill fixing the deposites in the State banks should have tion that he and his friends were disposed to skulk. been acted on. Now he did not belong to a people who had been in the He did not helieve, with the gentleman from Kentucky, habit of skulking; they inhabited, to be sure, a small bit [Mr. CHILTON,] that nothing could be done with that of land; but whenever their enemies sought them, they bill. Could it not be amended? Might it not be so were always to be found. modified as to be rendered acceptable to gentlemen now opposed to it?

The gentleman had explained by saying that he referred only to the press. Indeed, and had that House no- To one of the remarks of the other gentleman from thing better to do than to discuss the course of the news- Kentucky, [Mr. JOHNSON,] he heartily responded, viz: papers! Who cared what these said? Some few of that this branch of the Legislature was the last hope of them, indeed, were highly respectable; but was this a the American people. Yes, it was in that hall that the matter for grave debate? About skulking newspapers? last knell of expiring Liberty would be heard; in that No: the remarks of the gentlemen, however worded, hall would be the last flutter of the American eagle; were aimed at the members on that floor. Now, he was there the star-spangled banner, which now hung over his for showing that committee that no man had a thought of head, would wave for the last time; and there the last skulking. He wanted to allow them full time to bring smile would be dashed from the countenance of that fair forward their report, and to act upon it. But they dare goddess who presided over the national destinies. not do it. They had no intention of doing it. But they Mr. ANTHONY deprecated the plan of gentlemen should not want the opportunity. He would sooner con- taking up half an hour apiece in their remarks. tinue to sit here until the snow should fall than deprive thought the 23d was the best and safest day. He held to them of the fullest opportunity to work their whole will the old adage, "in medio tutissimus ibis;" and it might in the premises. Let them bring the bank directors to be said with equal truth, "in medio felicissimus ibis.” He the bar. Mr. B. would promise to make no speeches in therefore demanded the previous question. their defence: if they were not able to defend their own cause, he would give it up,

It was, indeed, true that the House had spent some time in discussing principles, very much to the horror of the gentleman from Kentucky, [Mr. JOHNSON.] But he had heard of its being said by a shrewd thinker, that

He

The House seconded the call: Ayes 106. The previous question was then put and carried; and the main question, viz: "Shall the vote of the House, refusing to fix upon the 30th of June for the day of adjournment, be reconsidered?" was carried by yeas and nays, as follows: Yeas 123, nays 83.

H. OF R.]

Adjournment of Congress.

[MAY 29, 1834.

If, indeed, he considered the question as one in which the honor of the Government and the authority and dignity of that House were concerned, he would be willing to stay here for years rather than omit or pass slightly over it. When he had been interrupted, he had been about to state some of the grounds of the opinion that a longer day would be requisite; and, in so doing, he was about to notice the new questions which were raised by the report of the bank committee. What a singular spectacle would it be, to see their Sergeant-at-arms bringing up these fourteen substantial burghers of the good city of Philadelphia, all in chains, to the bar of the House! It reminded him of the soldier in our revolutionary war, who, having captured three of the enemy with his own hand, and, being asked how he accomplished such a feat, replied that "he surrounded them.” He supposed the Sergeant-at-arms was to surround these fourteen bank directors. He should admire to see the sight.

So the House agreed to reconsider. The question then now heard that they were to have the bank bill called being on the 30th of Juneup, and all these matters forced upon the discussion of Mr. ADAMS said that he should change his vote, and the House; and those who were in favor of an early adwas desirous of stating his reasons for doing so. He journment were now told that they wanted to "skulk." should now vote for the 30th, although he had voted for He was actuated by no such feeling; but he thought it the 16th. From the day the resolution had been origin-worse than useless to bring up these fourteen respectable ally introduced, he had uniformly voted for the shortest citizens for such an offence as was alleged against them. term. When the gentleman from Indiana had agreed to postpone the motion, Mr. A. had been ready to vote for its passage; and this day, when the same gentleman had been requested by the chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means to modify his resolution by inserting the 30th, and had declined to comply with that request, Mr. A. had voted against the amendment proposing that day. He had done so, to be sure, with reluctance, because the request had been made by the chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means; and Mr. A. was willing that a gentleman who was charged, more than any other individual in that House, with its most important business, should have the full time he demanded. He had still been desirous to vote for the shortest period practicable, but it was in the expectation and with the hope that the House was to hear no more about the bill directing the deposite of the public money in the State banks, nor about the report of the bank committee; and, with such an understanding, he believed that all the most important business before the House might be disposed of by the Here, then, was the question as to the right of the 16th of the next month. But now, when he found that it House to send for fourteen free American citizens to was the intention of the chairman of the Committee of appear, not before a court of justice, but before this Ways and Means to bring up and to press upon the House House; to be tried, not by a jury of their peers, but by the bill leaving the deposites in the State backs; and still the very party whom they were charged with having more, when he discovered that entirely new matter, re-offended, and on the accusation of persons so exceedingly ferred to in the reports of the investigating committee, impartial as the majority of the bank committee; that was also to be introduced for discussion, he could not but House, themselves the offended party, to be their triers; conclude that the 30th of June would certainly afford a and, having convicted them, to punish the offenders by very short time-too short, indeed-for the discussion of the whole power of its vindictive justice. matters so important to the public interest.

Did any gentleman suppose that the right to do all this was a question to be settled without debate? What would the mothers of those citizens have said, could they witness such a sight, to see their sons brought up to the bar to be tried as criminals? And for what? Here was another question, a question of some compass, and certainly very debatable. He hoped these questions would all be tried. He hoped that this mystified question of contempts would be fully discussed, and the principle settled, for the benefit of after times.

Let members consider what it was which this bank committee's report contained. This was new matter. The House had sent a committee of its own body to investigate the affairs of the United States Bank. Had they investigated them? No; they had done nothing of what they had been sent to do. Their report did not contain one word upon the subject to which their appointment had reference. No discoveries had been made; and the committee had returned with two reports, that of the majority containing complaints against the president and He hoped that, if ever again they reported a resolution directors of the bank. This, he repeated, was wholly recommending the House to bring up the free citizens of new matter. The committee charged the president and this Union to be tried as malefactors at the bar of the directors of the bank with having three times violated House, they would at least have one good, sound, honest their charter; besides being guilty of another offence, precedent to show for it. He hoped the whole matter the most heinous of all, seemingly, in the view of the would be a subject of full and grave deliberation; and that committee-the offence of having treated themselves no crude or hasty decision would be had upon matters of with disrespect. For this, the president and directors of so much weight and importance. He trusted there would the bank were to be brought to the bar of the House to be no calling for the previous question—no pressing forbe punished. The committee appeared as prosecutors; ward, under a constant reference to the shortness of the and they called upon the House to bring up fourteen of time remaining-no continual reminding the House of the the most respectable citizens in all this country, to be necessity of passing the appropriation bills. Appropriapunished. And how was this to be done? The Sergeant- tion bills! He would sooner lose all the appropriation at-arms, a slender and rather feeble man, was to go and bills for a hundred years to come, than that a question corporeally to seize these individuals, and drag them be-like this should be improperly decided. The chairman fore the House.

[Mr. CAMBRELENG here called Mr. ADAMS to order. The CHAIR decided that he was in order.]

of the bank committee had told the House that these questions could not possibly be taken up and discussed by the 16th, and Mr. A. most fully concurred in the opinion. Mr. A. resumed: He said he had been assigning the If the majority were determined to bring forward the reasons which, in his apprehension, justified him in subject, and submit it to a fair discussion, the 30th of changing his vote. He was vindicating himself to the June would be quite soon enough to adjourn. To the House and to his constituents, for such change. He will of the majority he must submit. He should now vote had stated that he had supposed that all the important for the adjournment on the 30th of June. business before the House might be gone through with Mr. THOMAS said that it was with surprise he learnby the 16th; and that all other matters, which were cal-ed that, in his absence, the committee to which he beculated only to produce dissension, and which must all longed had been gravely, and he must say falsely, chargeventually end in smoke, would be deferred. But he led with the intention of forestalling public opinion. This

MAY 29, 1834.]

Adjournment of Congress.

[H. OF R.

No one

subject, however, he passed by. He now stood proudly on the time of the House, but his apology must be the before the House and the country, in relation to the trans- great weight attached to the name of the gentleman from actions referred to in the committee's report, and which Massachusetts, and the effect of his opinions on the minds had been so improperly characterized. What had they of many who had not considered the subject. seen? There could not a question of adjournment be There had been an attempt to cast ridicule on the idea introduced into the House, but they must have thrown of the Sergeant-at-arms of this House going to arrest fourinto it all the influence of great names connected with teen stout-bodied citizens, and bring them to the bar of the previous history of the country, for the purpose of the House, Surely the gentleman must have forgotten proclaiming before the country opinions calculated to in- the character of our institutions, the character of the timidate the members of that House, and preventing peaceable citizens of this republic. That character forthem from performing their public duty with that con- bade the idea that they would attempt to rebel against the sideration, that calmness, and that firmness, which should authority of the laws, and the majesty of their own Govdistinguish freemen, and the sons of freemen. The gen-ernment. Besides, the character of the community in tleman from Massachusetts had mistaken the whole char- which these citizens resided, forbade the notion that, acter and genius of our institutions, and of the American when a public officer went armed with the authority of people, if he thought that referring to the respectabili- that House, with the high power conferred upon it for ty of the fourteen distinguished financiers of whom he the preservation of the blessings of free Government to had spoken in terms of so much admiration, would have ourselves and our posterity, came among them to arrest the least influence in determining the course to be pur- those who had resisted its command, they would stand sued towards them by that House. He yielded to no gen- tamely by and refuse to support, and to enforce the au tleman there in his estimation of the character and stand-thority of their own representatives. ing of these individuals. The House had been told that Mr. T. apologized. He had been unexpectedly called they were men of high attainments, of great financial upon, and had spoken under great constraint. learning and skill; but he asked whether that circumstance would weigh for one moment in a case where the House was called to act in the preservation of its own dignity. He considered all the citizens of this Union as the constitution considered them-strictly equal; he knew no difference between them; he would enforce the law against the Chief Magistrate himself, when the great interests of the country and the dignity and authority of its representatives were involved. In such a cause, he would arrest any one but the great God that made him. Why did gentlemen seek to alarm the country with the dread of some act of arbitrary power about to be perpetrated by the House of Representatives? The honorable gentleman would find the community not quite so forgetful as he seemed to think. Mr. T. had had the YEAS--Messrs. John Q. Adams, Heman Allen, Wilhonor of a seat on that floor, and he was very sure the liam Allen, Anthony, Archer, Ashley, Barnitz, Barringer, gentleman from Massachusetts could not forget it, when Bates, Beaumont, John Bell, Jas. M. Bell, Blair, Bouldin, a precept was issued against the late Governor of Ten- Bull, Bunch, Burd, Burges, Bynum, Cambreleng, Carminessee, (General Houston,) and when that individual was chael, Chambers, Chaney, Wm. Clark, Clayton, Clowbrought to the bar of the House. What had been his ney, Coffee, Connor, Amos Davis, Day, Deberry, Dencase? Was there any resistance to the process of the ny, Duncan, Dunlap, Evans, Horace Everett, Ewing, House? any obstruction to the execution of its precept? Forester, P. C. Fuller, Fulton, Galbraith, Gillet, GilNo such thing had been pretended. An assault had been mer, Gordon, Graham, Grayson, Joseph Hall, Hamer, committed on one of its members. And did the gentle- Hannegan, Hard, Hardin, J. M. Harper, James Harper, man, at that time, require a long deliberation and dis- Harrison, Heath, Henderson, Howell, Abel Huntington, cussion? or did he not promptly yield his assent to the issuing of the summons?

could be more disposed to cherish respect for the honora ble member from Massachusetts than he was; and none more opposed to a premature discussion of the subject referred to. His apology must be found where he had already placed it, in what had been said by a gentleman whose name commanded so much influence. As to the day of adjournment, he preferred the 30th, and should vote for that day.

Mr. SUTHERLAND now moved the previous question, but withdrew his motion; which being renewed by Mr. HIESTER was negatived.

The resolution as amended, fixing the 30th of June for the day of adjournment, was then carried by yeas and nays, as follows:

Jarvis, Cave Johnson, Seaborn Jones, Benjamin Jones,
Kavanagh, King, Kinnard, Lane, Laporte, Lea, Leavitt,
Lewis, Loyal, Lucas, Lyon, Lytle, Abijah Mann, J. K.
Mann, Martindale, Marshall, Moses Mason, McCarty,
McIntire, McKay, McKennan, McKim, McLene,
McVean, Mercer, Miller, Robert Mitchell, Moore, Mur-
phy, Osgood, Parks, Patton, Patterson, Dutee J. Pearce,
Peyton, F. Pierce, Pinckney, Plummer, Polk, Potts,
Selden, W. B. Shepard, Shinn, William Slade, Charles
Slade, Sloane, Standefer, Stoddert, Sutherland, Francis
Thomas, P. Thomas, Thomson, Tompkins, Turner,
Vance, Vanderpoel, Van Houten, Vinton, Watmough,
Wayne, Webster, Whallon, E. D. White, Elisha Whit-
tlesey, Wilde, Wilson, Wise-129.

Mr. T. believed there were but about thirty-five votes in the negative on that question; although the alleged of fence was only an assault. There was nothing very sin gular in the request of the bank committee. They had been directed to make an inquiry into the affairs of the Bank of the United States; they had attempted to do so, and had failed. They returned to the House, reported the failure; assigned the cause of it; and asked that the obstacle might be removed. This was all they had done. Let the House discharge the committee; let them retrace their steps; let the committee be exonerated from the trust imposed on them, and they had no desire to arrest these or any other individuals. They had not gone to NAYS-Messrs. John Adams, John J. Allen, C. Allan, Philadelphia under any ill feelings towards any one. Banks, Barber, Baylies, Bean, Beardsley, Beaty, Bockee, They harbored no such feelings now. The attempt to Bodle, Boon, Briggs, Brown, Burns, Cage, Campbel', alarm the public mind would prove vain. There was Carr, Casey, Chilton, Choate, S. Clark, Clay, Corwin, nothing novel asked or intended. No man who had Coulter, Cramer, Crockett, Davenport, Deming, Dickserved as a juror in our courts could fail to have witness-son, Dickerson, Dickinson, Ellsworth, Edward Everett, ed the attachment of whole files of men, free citizens of Felder, Fowler, William K. Fuller, Gamble, Garland, this Union, a dozen at a time, for the resistance of pro- Gholson, Gorham, Grennell, Griffin, Hiland Hall, Halcess. Nothing was more common. There was nothing sey, Hathaway, Hazeltine, Hiester, Hubbard, Jabez W. to alarm any body. Huntington, Jackson, W. C. Johnson, Richard M. JohnMr. T. said he was conscious that he was trespassing son, N. Johnson, Lansing, Lee, Lincoln, Love, Mardis,

H. OF R.] Resignation of the Speaker--Kentucky Election--New York and New Jersey Boundary. [MAY 31, 1834.

J. Y. Mason, McComas, McKinley, Muhlenberg, Page,
Parker, Pierson, Pope, Ramsay, Schenck, Schley, Aug.
II. Shepperd, Smith, Spangler, Speight, William Taylor,
William P. Taylor, Turrill, Tweedy, Wagener, Ward,
Wardwell, Fred. Whittlesey, Williams--83.
And then the House adjourned.

FRIDAY, MAY 30.

RESIGNATION OF THE SPEAKER. After the reading of the Journal-

said that he rested his hopes of final success upon the confidence which he had in their honor and integrity, to come, as he believed they would, to a decision, uninflu enced by party: a course they are bound to take, if, from no other consideration than that, what was his case to-day might be their own hereafter, by the revolving of the political wheel. After which, he proceeded to controvert, at length, the arguments of the majority of the committee, and the evidence adduced in opposition to his claim to the seat for the 5th congressional district of Kentucky.

Mr. L. continued to speak till after three o'clock; and Mr. Speaker STEVENSON rose and informed the closed with expressing his thanks to the Committee of House that he had taken the chair this morning, though Elections for the good feeling toward him which had still laboring under severe and continued indisposition, dictated the insertion of that resolution in their report for the purpose of opening the House, and preventing which recommended a pecuniary allowance to himself, any delay in its business; and likewise for the purpose in the shape of pay and mileage; but expressed his unalof announcing his determination of resigning the Speak- terable determination not to accept any thing, unless the er's Chair and his seat in Congress. This he proposed seat in this House should, by the decision of the House, doing on Monday next at 11 o'clock. He had formed be adjudged to belong to him. If the seat should be dethis resolution under a deep sense of duty, and because clared rightfully to pertain to Mr. MooRE, the pay was his state of health rendered it impossible for him (as must his also. be apparent to the House) to discharge in person the laborious duties of the Chair; and he had therefore deemed it respectful and proper to give this early notice of his

intention to retire.

The House then resumed the consideration of the reports of the committee on

THE KENTUCKY CONTESTED ELECTION.

Mr. HUBBARD (Speaker pro tem.) having stated the question thereupon, before the House, to be the amend ment offered by Mr. JONES to that of Mr. BANKS, as heretofore stated-

Mr. BANKS said that, as it did not essentially alter the amendment submitted by him, he would accept the amendment of Mr. JONES as a modification thereof. He now wished to modify the resolution so as to make it read as follows:

Mr. HAMER, observing that Mr. LETCHER had, in his address to the House, referred extensively to the testimony, and had presented a number of points of argument, said it would hardly be fair to require of Mr. MOORE, who was in feeble health, to reply without some interval of further preparation; and he therefore moved that the House do now adjourn. The motion prevailing, The House thereupon adjourned.

SATURDAY, MAY 31.

NEW YORK AND NEW JERSEY BOUNDARY LINE. Mr. BELL, from the Committee on the Judiciary, reported a bill, giving the assent of Congress to a treaty or compact entered into between the State of New York and the State of New Jersey, respecting the territorial limits and jurisdiction of said States; which was read "Resolved, That all the votes given by qualified voters, twice and committed. After which, he said, as it was of which were received in Lancaster, Garrard county, importance to those States to have it passed as soon as whilst Moses Grant, Esq. acted as one of the judges on possible, he hoped there would not be any objections to the first morning of the election in August last, and those its being now read, that it might be ordered to be enof a like character given on the second day of the elec-grossed for its third reading. tion in the absence of the sheriff, ought to be estimated in ascertaining the result of the election.

That the votes of David McKee, Alfred W. Buford, Elijah Mount, Clayton Fitzpatrick, William R. Preston, R. L. Berry, Blackburne Leffler, Robert McKeown, Giles M. Ormond, and Lewis L. Mason, given in Mercer county, be counted; the first nine for R. P. Letcher, and the last one for T. P. Moore.

That the votes of Job M. Hall, Reuben Young, Vincent Inge, Jacob Coffman, William Jenkins, and the Reverend David Robertson, be taken from the number of votes allowed by the majority of the committee to Moore, in Mercer county, and added to those counted for Letcher.

The bill having been read

Mr. J. Q. ADAMS remarked that, as this bill involved some questions of importance to the rights of the United States, he should wish there was some time allowed to examine it. He presumed it had been duly considered by the Committee on the Judiciary, but he desired to state, that the particular ground to which he had reference, for desiring an opportunity to examine the bill, was, whether there were not some rights, pertaining to the United States, concerned in the treaty and convention entered into between these respective States, and whether those rights were duly guarded by the present bill. He rose to ask of the honorable chairman whether, when this bill and convention were under the consideration of That the votes of Eli Williams and W. Dawson, of the committee, there had been any reference to the right Anderson county, and that those of William Connor, of jurisdiction of the United States over this very bounCharles Welsh, Thomas Harris, Montgomery Vanland-dary. He understood the bill was framed in pursuance ingham, Joseph Murrain, Levi Nunnery, Richard Curd, of an agreement about the jurisdiction that should be Anderson Hulet, Hickman Evans, Henry Wood, Richard possessed by them. In the treaty or compact which had White, of Jessamine county, be counted for Robert P. Letcher."

Mr. BANKS said that it was his intention to have submitted some remarks in support of his amendment, but, understanding that it was the wish of the gentlemen who were personally interested in this case to avail themselves of the privilege granted by the House, he would give way to them for that purpose.

Mr. LETCHER thereupon rose, and addressed the House in an animated and energetic appeal, in which he

just been read, the exclusive jurisdiction of New York and of New Jersey was spoken of, with frequent repetition, but without any reservation of the rights of the United States, who, he believed, had the most important jurisdiction over the waters in question. He had no intention to interpose any obstacle to the consummation of this agreement between the two States. On the contrary, he rejoiced to find that this long-standing controversy between them had at length been adjusted to their mutual satisfaction, but this was a subject in which the whole

Mar 31, 1834.]

Kentucky Election.

[H. OF R.

Union had a deep interest, and rights not to be neglected substance, but a repetition of what has been better said or lost sight of. The bill had but just now been reported by others. Nor can I promise to enliven my argument by the committee. The first knowledge he had of the pur- by a single flash of wit. I have no talent of that kind, port of the convention was by hearing it now read. He and, if I had, I should deem this an unfit occasion to exhoped the chairman of the committee would consent to ercise it. The subject is too grave, the principles and postpone the final action of the House upon the bill for a consequences involved too serious, to be made the occa few days, and that, in the mean time, it should be printed.sion of levity and jest. If I cannot satisfy the House by Mr. BELL, in reply, said that the committee, in con- the facts of the case, and arguments fairly deducible from sidering this matter, could not perceive that any rights them, that I am entitled to a seat among them, it would vesting in the United States would be infringed or en- be disrespectful in me to attempt to laugh them into a dedangered by the assent of Congress to the agreement cision in my favor. It is on their sober judgment only made between these States. However, he would sug- that I rely, and to that only shall I appeal." gest to the honorable member from Massachusetts, that every objection of the kind he alluded to, could be obviated by the insertion of a proviso in the bill to this effect, viz: "that nothing therein should derogate from the rights of the United States." He considered that the assent of Congress was only implied to such jurisdiction as the States themselves possessed. But he had no objection to let the bill lie over.

Mr. B. then moved that the consideration of the bill should be postponed until Thursday next, and that it should be printed.

My competitor vehemently deprecates the influence of party considerations in the settlement of this question. Mr. Speaker, he cannot desire more earnestly than I do that the question should be settled upon its merits. If each individual member of this House, forgetting the individuals claiming the seat in this case, and the political parties to which they belong, could find time to examine dispassionately the evidence in relation to every contested vote, they would find it would require no party feeling to give me the seat by a respectable majority of the legal votes actually given, without regard to the irregulari. ties which affect the polls of Garrard county. If I am elected, it was not by a party yote. I made no appeal to party at home, and hundreds voted for me who differed with me on some of the leading topics which divide the parties of the day, and gave me their support from higher, and, to myself, more flattering considerations.

Mr. PARKER rose to explain, that the object of the bill was to settle a dispute between these two States, of more than thirty years' standing, and it originally arose from claims set up by the State of New York to the exclusive jurisdiction over the waters of the Hudson river. They made this claim as having been in possession of this jurisdiction. The House, then, would perceive that the Much has been said about the sacred right of suffrage; agreement did not, and could not, conflict with any rights and the intimation has been broadly, if not directly, given possessed by the General Government. The obvious by a gentleman from Kentucky, [Mr. MARSHALL,] that I meaning of it, he said, was only to give to each State am attempting to violate it by the ground assumed by me, power to exercise jurisdiction, subject, of course, to that and sustained by a majority of the committee, in relation rightfully pertaining to the United States. The commis- to this contest. This imputation I repel. The people of sioners appointed by the States to settle this vexed busi- Kentucky, who know us both, and the parts we have reness, with perfect unanimity had made the compromise, spectively acted, will not believe that I am less devoted and with which, the respective Legislature of the States to free suffrage than the gentleman. I am too much one being satisfied, the assent of Congress was now all that of the people myself, to wish them deprived of any of was wanting to dispose of the controversy. As the agree-their rights, or in the least degree restricted in their exment was one made between the parties, on a matter be- ercise, beyond what is absolutely necessary to guard its longing solely to themselves, he hoped no objections purity and make it efficient. I owe all that I am, or ever would be raised to it. expect to be in political life, to the partiality and suffrages of my equals-the common people of the county, and district of country, where I have the pleasure to reside.

Mr. BELL said he would not object to the desire for postponing the consideration of the subject; but as Thursday was, he now understood, set apart for Territorial business, he moved to have it postponed until Wednesday, withdrawing his first motion.

Mr. GILLET suggested that it should be made the special order for that day, which was finally agreed to.

KENTUCKY ELECTION.

The consideration of the report and counter-report from the Committee on the Kentucky Election having been resumed

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In reference to the votes excluded by a majority of the committee, on the ground of the illegal manner in which a portion of the election was conducted in Garrard county, my competitor introduces the decision of the House in the case of Pryor Lea, as analogous. In the first place, the analogy of the cases is not perceived. Pryor Lea was elected by a majority of 217 votes over Thomas D. Arnold. Mr. Arnold contested his election on the ground of certain irregularities in the mode of conducting it; and proved that at one place the ballots Mr. MOORE rose and addressed the Chair as follows: had been deposited and kept in a large gourd-shell, inMr. Speaker: It was not my intention to have troubled stead of a ballot-box, as required by law. It was not preyour honorable body with any further remarks upon the tended that the proper judges and other officers of elecsubject under discussion, either orally or in writing; nor tion were not present, or that the votes had not been kept should I have deviated from my determination from any just as safely in the gourd-shell as they would have been consideration merely personal. But, after permission in a ballot-box. But there were some members who given by the House, and the address made by my competitor, I might seem to be wanting in a proper respect for them, and for him, if not in duty to the people of the fifth congressional district of Kentucky, who have honored me with their support, were I to be silent.

thought otherwise, and insisted that a compliance with the very letter of the law ought to be exacted in all such cases, as appears by the negative votes attached to the following resolution, viz:

"Resolved, That Pryor Lea is entitled to retain his seat in the twenty-first Congress of the United States, as the representative of the second congressional district in the State of Tennessee."

It would be extreme vanity in me to expect to throw any new light upon the subject, which has been investigated by the committee with so much industry and patience, and has been discussed in this House with so much Those who voted in the negative, are Messrs. John learning, eloquence, and talent. The principles on which 1 Bailey, John Campbell, James Clark of Kentucky, Richrely have been so clearly elucidated, and the facts so plain-ard Coke, jun., JOSEPH H. CRANE, B. W. Crowninshield, ly set forth, that any thing I may say must necessarily be, in James L. Hodges, Thomas H. Hughes, J. W. HUNTINGVOL. X.--272

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