assigned that share of the attack he was most competent to maintain. This club aided by the assistance of some of the popular newspapers, continued to announce its days of dining, to proclaim its sentiments in the shape of resolutions, or announce them obliquely in the shape of anonymous paragraphs. Their speeches generally retailed with point, virulence and acrimony, always turned upon the prolific chapter of government and parliamentary abuses, were calculated to work upon the passions more than to guide the sober reason of the multitude.* It has of late years unfortunately been so prevailing a rage on both sides of the leading political questions, to attribute to their antagonists false motives, views, and grounds for their conduct, that the historian, who supports the principles of either, will be naturally discredited by those readers, who happen to differ from him in opinion: it is not his duty to adjudge the conduct of the actors in those scenes, which he has undertaken to retail and faithfully to represent. The late Earl of Clare in his speech for the union (p. 59) has left the following portrait of the Whig Club of Ireland. "The better to effectuate "the great national objects of a limitation of the pension list, an exclusion "of pensioners from the House of Commons, a restriction of placemen, who "should sit there, and a responsibility for the receipt and issue of the public "treasury, a Whig Club was announced in a manifesto, signed and countersigned, charging the British government, as James I. has since been charged, "with a deliberate and systematic intention of sapping the liberties, and subverting the parliament of Ireland. All persons of congenial character "and sentiment were invited to range under the Whig banner, for the estab"lishment and protection of the Irish constitution, on the model of the "Revolution 1688; and under this banner was ranged such a motley collection "of congenial characters, as never before were assembled for the reformation "of the state. Mr. Napper Tandy was received by acclamation, as a states"man too important and illustrious to be committed to the hazard of a ballot. "Mr. Hamilton Rowan also repaired to the Whig banner. Unfortu"nately, the political career of these gentlemen has been arrested; Mr. Tandy's by attainder of felony, and an attainder of treason; Mr. Hamilton Rowan's by an attainder of treason. The Whig secretary, if he does not "stand in the same predicament, is now a prisoner at the mercy of the crown, "on his own admission of his treasons; and if I do not mistake, the whole "society of Irish Whigs have been admitted, ad eundem, by their Whig "brethren of England. In the fury of political resentment, some noblemen "and gentlemen of the first rank in this country stooped to associate with the "refuse of the community, men whose principles they thus held in abhor"rence, and whose manners and deportment must always have excited their "disgust." Mr. Grattan has left the following sketch of it. "The work complains of "the Whig Club. The minister was the author of it. His doctrines and his "half million were the authors of it. But clubs of this kind are only pre served by violence. That violence did happen. An attack was made on "the rights of the city, a doctrine was promulgated, that the common council "had no right to put a negative on the lord mayor, chosen by the board of alder"men, except the board itself should assent to the negative put on its own "choice, this doctrine was advanced by the court, to secure the election of the "mayor to itself; in the course of the contest, a minister involved himself in a personal altercation with the citizens: with Mr. Tandy, he had carried on a "long war, and with various success; he was now involved in an altercation mole general, in the compass of his wrath, he paid his compliments to "the Whig Club, and that club advanced the shield of a free people over "the rights of the city, and humbled a minister in the presence of those "citizens, whose privileges he had invaded, and whose persons he had calum "niated." Such in truth has generally been the system of taking an ungenerous advantage of the Irish character. A people of quick impulse, ardent sympathy, and inconsiderate resolution, was always ready to anticipate rather than check any plan, that summoned their action or intrepidity. The public thanksgiving for the king's recovery was attended with every solemnity, that the nature of the case would admit, on the 23d of April, 1789, in the cathedral of Christ's Church: and on different days, particular services were performed, in every church and chapel throughout the nation. A most solemn high mass was performed, with a new grand Te Deum, composed on the occasion by the celebrated Giordani, in the Roman Catholic chapel of Francis-street. And as a happy instance of the increasing liberality of the times, several of the first Protestant nobility and gentry assisted at it.* On the 5th of May, a most superb gala was given at the castle in commemoration of the happy recovery of his majesty: but none of those gentlemen were invited to partake of it, who had voted The contest between the minister and Mr. Tandy, to which Mr. Grattan referred, was as f bows: Mr. Tandy at the head of a party of the common council, opposed the election of one Alderman James to this office of lord mayor for the ens ting year, though the choice were almost a matter of course in the order, if no magistrates seniority. Mr. Tandy's opposition was founded upon a charge of his being the slave and creature of the castle. After a long contest which lasted all nigh, Mr. Tandy succeeded in the rejection of Alderman James, and in the choice of Aiderman Howison in his room. This produced an appeal to the lord lieutenant and privy council, to whose ultimate approbation the choice of the chief magistrate was subject. Lord Fitzgibbon (then lately promoted to the seals) presided as chancellor. Mr. Tandy and his chosen alderman attended, with Messrs. Ponsonby and Curran, as their council. Alderman James had the Recorder and Dr. Duignan. The matter was solemnly argued. The council chamber was thrown open as a public court, and extremely crowded with citizens. Several personal asperities passed between the chancellor and Mr. Curran : and some coarse satire was attempted by Dr. Du gnan against the scowling eyes, and haggard looks, sallow complexion, and facuous principles of Mr. Tandy. The castle looking upon Alderman James as the victim of their cause, strongly espoused his interest: but the law laid down by Mr. Ponsonby, was so clearly decisive, that all that was attempted, was to send the parties back to a new election, which was again decided in favour of Alderman Howison, which was finally confirmed by the lord lieutenant in council. This event gave triumph and exultation to Mr. Tandy as a patriot, a second Lucas, and he afterwards commanded a strong influence in the common council. * The Catholics, who had received more favours from his present gracious majesty, than from all his predecessors collectively, since Henry II. were gratefully sensible of the favour of God in restoring the health of their beloved Sovereign, and were prominently conspicuous in returning their solemn thanks to the Deity So illustrious an assemblage had never met in a Catholic place of worship in that kingdom since the reformation. Besides the principal part of their own nobility and gentry, there were present on the occasion the Duke of Leinster, the Earls and Countesses of Belvedere, Arran and Portarlington, Countesses of Carhampton and Ely, Lords Tyrone, Valentia and Delvin, Mr. D. La Touche and family, Mr. Grattan, Major Doyle, Mrs. Jeffries, Mrs. Trant, and several other persons of the first distinction. for the address. A marked sign of reprobation was put on their heads and so strongly was the spirit of party kept up, that in the list of toasts drank after dinner at the castle, the Prince of Wales and Duke of York were purposely omitted.* The extraordinary zeal and exertions of the attorney-general on this late as well as former occasions in support of government, were rewarded with the great seal of Ireland, which had become vacant by the death of Lord Lifford; and he became the first Irish chancellor appointed by England. The Marquis of Buckingham was little satisfied with his situation in Ireland; for although he had regained a majority in parliament, he never more experienced any share of that popularity, which was sincerely shewn to him on his first acceptance of the viceroyalty in Lord Shelburne's administration: the spirit of party ran so high, and the chief governor grew daily so unpopular, that to avoid personal outrage, in the month of June he secretly took shipping* for England, and never more returned to Ireland. On the 30th of June, 1789, the new chancellor Lord Fitzgibbon and Mr. Foster the speaker were sworn in lords justices. After so much party difference and dissension in the capital, it was not to be expected, that the peace and tranquillity of the provinces should be encreased. The wretch *Immediately after the health of the king and queen had been drank, that of Mr. Pitt, as the friend of Ireland, was given with three times three. These minute circumstances are noticed, because in Ireland no small importance is annexed to such festive ceremonials, as it has been observed, 1 vol. p. 310. The system of creating disunion amongst the different branches of the royal family, was not confined to Ireland. England gave the example. Even the unfortunate affair between the Duke of York and Colonel Lenox afforded fresh matter for family jealousy and difference. The delay of introducing his Royal Highness the Duke of Clarence into the House of Lords arose from that execrable spirit of disunion. That young prince, who graced his exalted rank by a close attention to his professional duties, superadded to his native and ac quired endowments, a characteristical warmth of family affection and domestic sympathy. It was proposed that his royal highness should be introduced to the House of Lords by the Duke of Richmond. He modestly and naturally observed, that he had two brothers in the house. It was notwithstanding urged, that he must be introduced by the Dukes of Richmond and Chandos. His royal highness finding his two brothers proscribed replied, that he had two uncles in the house, by whom he wished to be introduced: this was not admissible: the Duke of Richmond was still insisted upon, and his royal highness declined the ceremony, till a sort of compromise was agreed to by substituting the Duke of Montague for the Duke of Richmond. To these marked attempts at mortifying and humiliating the Prince of Wales, Mr. Grattan alluded in a speech upon this viceroy's administration in the following words, (10 Par. Deb. 16.) "Some of those members having "committed in Ireland excesses far beyond those which falsehood presumed "to prophesy, to disparage the second personage in these dominions." His excellency took shipping from Mr. Lee's elegant villa at the Black Rock. It was observed by Mr. Charles O'Neale, in a debate, 10 P. D. p. 118, that if he had not taken a back-stairs departure from that kingdom, he would in all probability have been greeted on his retreat in a very different manner from what he had been on his arrival in ireland. ed and restless poor in Munster began once more to break out into new disturbances. Whilst they expected redress, the country remained quiet: but after the rising of the parliament and the failure of Mr. Grattan's motion for an investigation of their grievances, the disturbances recommenced, and it was found necessary to encrease the military force in those districts, that manifested the most disposition to riot. The unhappy differences of the Peep of Day Boys and Defenders so far from being composed or settled had considerably increased, both in extent and rancour since the last year: and it is a lamentable truth, that their enmity was fomented by many of the superior orders, for the diabolical purpose of breaking up the union of the Protestants and Catholics, which had been effected by serving together as volunteers, and was one of the effects of that system, which the government appeared most to dread. Reports were industriously set afloat, and greedily credited by most Protestants of the county of Armagh, who long had been pre-eminent amongst their brethren for their zealous antipathy to Popery, that if Catholics, who had obtained arms, and learned the use of them during the war, were permitted to retain them, they would soon be used in erecting Popery on the ruins of the Protestant religion. Where the flame of fanaticism once takes, it is scarcely to be extinguished but by extermination. The defenders had long and frequently complained, that all their efforts to procure legal redress against the outrages committed upon them by the Peep of Day Boys were unavailing: that their oppressors appeared to be rather countenanced, than checked by the civil power; and that the necessity of the case had driven them into counter-combina The form of the oath and rules of the defenders, said to have been found and sent to government by the Dean of Raphoe during the administration of Lord Buckingham, shews how far they were at this time organized. THE OATH. I A. B. of my own free will and accord, do swear to be true to one another, will assist one another abroad and at home, and there are none to be admitted without the consent of the committee appointed by the said body; and they must in all things be under subjection to the said committee in all things that are lawful, and not otherwise; and all words and signs to be kept secret from all that are not concerned or forfeit this oath, and we are to meet once a month where the committee thinks proper, and we are to spend what is agree. able to the company; and any person giving a lawful reason for his absence, he is not to be under censure; and all persons entering must be under all rules and regulations appointed by the said committee; and as in our former oath we are bound to his majesty King George III. and his successors to the crown, so for this present year 1789 we promise faithfully the same obedience, and also while we live subject to the same government. Rules to be observed. 1st. There is no defender to strike one another upon any account; or if they do, to be excluded the company as long as the committee thinks proper. tions to defend their lives and properties against these uncontrolled marauders. Whilst these petty, but fatal internal hostilities were confined chiefly to the county of Armagh, it appears, that the defenders had generally remained passive according to their first institution and appellation: and that they only became aggressors, when they afterwards were compelled to emigrate from their country. Their hostility was now at its height; government sent down two troops to quell them, but above fifty on both sides had been killed in an affray before the horse arrived. Tranquillity lasted, whilst the troops remained. But it was impossible, that a large assemblage of men, void of education, prudence, or control, should long remain together without mischief. A very important change had taken place within the last ten years in the political sentiments of the Irish nation. The American contest for liberty had roused Ireland to think more practically and firmly upon her own civil rights: the fatal misconduct of the British ministry of that day had made them an armed people, and they shortly after became an independent 2d. There is no person to come to the monthly meeting drunk; or if they do, to pay sixpence, and to be excluded for three months. 3d. There is no person on any account to swear or speak loud in the company, and for every oath they are to pay what the committee thinks proper. 4th. There is no person that formerly belonged to another body (that is to say, a strange body) to be accepted without a line from the body he formerly belonged to. 5th. There is no person to let any one know who belongs to their body, but those who went under the obligation. 6th. There is no body of men to go to a challenge without leave of three of the committee at least. 7th. There is no body to get a copy of these without the leave of the grand master appointed by the general year's meeting, or deputies appointed by the said grand master, or his committee. 8th. Let no person know no words or signs without being concerned, and they are not empowered to give or make known by either words or signs or tokens any that may hereafter come forth, or make it known to any company or body but ourselves, or our body. 9th. There is no defender to make himself known as a defender after being excluded, under fear of perjury; and each man continuing six months from this day must find a gun and bayonet, with other necessary accoutrements, or be excluded at the option of the committee. Given under our hands, from the Grange committee to the committee of Barrickarnan, body of defenders No. 1, for the county of Louth. We, the committee of No. 18, do certify the bearer, Michael Moor, that he has gone through the rules and obligations of a brother defender; and at his request he desires to be discharged that he may join your body. Given under our hands, at Dumbanagher, this 24th day of April, 1789. EDWARD BRADLEY, DANIEL M'GOVERAN, Sec. N. B. Michael Moor's certificate was signed by fifty-one members in addi tion to the above, who were present, and members of Lodge 18. |