amidst both parties: and, in process of time, they formed into a new division, and enlisted under the opposite banners of the Protestant and Catholic religions. Of all grounds of dissensions, religion is ever the most inveterate, and most to be dreaded. A tumultuary spirit had so long pervaded these unfortunate people, that as they had once armed and arrayed themselves for combat, they would not it seems part or disarm without fighting. This new marshalling of their whole force soon gave rise to different appellations: for the Protestants taking advantage of the laws against Papists having arms, paid their antago nists very early domiciliary visits to search for arms, in which they were often guilty of the most wanton outrages; they ac quired the appellation of Peep of Day Boys: whilst the others. assumed that of Defenders. The consequence of this new division of parties was, that their mutual ferocity increased, and frequent rencounters terminated in blood. Certain it is, that by timely and vigorous exertions of government, this spirit of dissension and outrage might have been at any time subdued and extinguished; but unfortunately the unhappy differences were permitted to be fomented by gentlemen of the country for electioneering or other worse purposes. Hence the fatal origin of defenderism.

Either for the purpose or under the pretence of checking this spirit of turbulence and outrage, in this year recourse again was had to the raising of some volunteer corps, by way of strengthening, as it was said, the arm of the civil magistrate. It was not in the nature of things, that these volunteer corps, into which they refused to admit any Catholic, should not be more obnoxious to the defenders, than to the Peep of Day Boys: for although they should not have shewn favour or affection to any description of men disturbing the public tranquillity, yet it was the first part of their duty to disarm the defenders (being Papists), and in their arms had they for some time found their only safety and defence against their antagonists. Some occasional conflicts happened both between the Defenders and Peep of Day Boys,, and between the Defenders and the Volunteers. As a corps of volunteers in going to church at Armagh passed by a Catholic chapel, a quarrel arose with some of the congrega tion, and stones were thrown at the volunteers. After service, instead of avoiding the repetition of insult by taking another route, the volunteers procured arms, returned to the spot, and a conflict ensued, in which they killed some of the Catholic congregation. In consequence of these rencounters, and the defenders procuring and retaining what fire arms they could, the Earl of Charlemont, governor of the county, and the grand jury, published a manifesto against all Papists, who should assemble in arms, and also against any person, who should

attempt to disarm them without legal authority. In addition to these efforts, some of the Peep of Day Boys sought also to disarm their antagonists by means of the law: they accordingly indicted some of the defenders at the summer assizes of 1788; but Baron Hamilton quashed the indictments, and dismissed both parties with an impressive exhortation to live in peace and brotherly love. The Defenders about this time were charged with openly sending challenges both to the Peep of Day Boys and the volunteers to meet them in the field: the fact was, that the defenders certainly did look upon them both as one common enemy combined to defeat and oppress them: whilst therefore this open hostility between the two parties subsisted and rankled under the daily festering sore of religious acrimony, the defenders, who knew themselves armed against law, though in selfdefence against the Peep of Day Boys, became the more anxious to bring their antagonists to an open trial of strength, rather than remain victims to the repeated outrages of their domiciliary visits, or other attempts to disarm then. Thus a private squab ble between two peasants gradually swelled into a village brawl, and ended in the religious war of a whole district. Some symptoms of renovated disturbances also broke out in the south. The prorogation of parliament, without having administered any relief to their grievances, was not likely to increase or spread amongst them a spirit of content or gratitude.

We now approach the period of Irish history, pregnant with those awful circumstances, which it has lately been the study, affectation, or rage of modern writers to connect with the late Irish rebellion in whatever manner it best suited their views, interests, or passions: and as the incorporate union of the two kingdoms followed so closely upon the heels of that rebellion, it becomes the historian's duty to conduct his reader by an uninterrupted chain of facts to that eventful period of union, which it is the wish of every loyal subject of his majesty may, as it certainly ought to be productive of accumulative and permanent prosperity to the British empire. Whoever has lived to see and reflect impartially upon the awful effects of the last twelve years in the political turns of human government, will allow the superior necessity, at the present above any former period, of ascribing effects to their real causes. Inattention to this transcendent duty of the statesman in Ireland, appears to have been immediately productive of many of those disasters, which the tears of a century will not efface.

From the year 1779, when Lord Clare tells us, that the imbecility of Lord Buckinghamshire's government had arrayed the volunteer army, the whole Irish nation had been successively seized with a spirit of civil freedom and independence, which had not been felt, or at least had not been shewn for several

preceding centuries We have traced that spirit through its several gradations to its zenith: and when by its undaunted perseverance it had procured all it demanded in 1782, we have observed it at first disjointed by internal difference, and when weakened by division, we have seen it bought up or worked down by all the allurements, power, and influence of government. From the recal of the Duke of Portland, every measure of government had a tendency to extinguish the national spirit, to which alone the legislative independence of Ireland was owing. The defection of the members from the general popularity of their sentiments in 1782, was at first rapid with the change of administration in all those, who systematically supported the minister of the day. These numerically secured a majority; but the great landed interests of the country remained for a time staunch to the principles by which their country had become free and independent: with them lay the weight of property, of talent, and natural influence over all that part of the nation, which had not bartered their freedom for emolument or lucre. Although the minister commanded considerably more than two thirds out of the three hundred votes in the commons, yet so hardly were they pressed by the minority, both as to the popularity of the subjects brought under the discussion of parliament, and the superior abilities, with which they were urged, that the lord lieutenant almost indecently curtailed the duration of the session, to the great dissatisfaction of the minority within and the majority out of parliament. Mr. Yelverton's bill and all the transactions in the year 1782, had been adopted upon the genuine principles of Whiggism, which the Duke of Portland at that time professed, and every true friend of the Marquis of Rockingham practised.

In the autumn of this year, it was the will of Heaven to visit the British empire with a most distressful calamity. A circumstance, which placed Ireland in a more peculiar delicacy of situation, than any other part of the empire. Soon after the recess of the British parliament in the middle of July, 1788, the king, who had been for some time rather indisposed, was advised by his physicians to try the mineral waters of Cheltenham, which seemed to promise the re-establishment of his health. During his residence there, his majesty amused himself and gratified his people by various excursions in the vicinity of that place, displaying on these occasions much condescension and affability, and being every where received with extraordinary demonstrations of joy. On his return to Windsor, his illness returned with new and alarming symptoms; and in the month of October it was generally rumoured, that the malady of the king was of a nature peculiarly afflicting. It was however the natural wish of the court, that it should not be credited by the

public, earlier than the dreadful necessity required. On the 24th of October there was a levee at St. James's, for the purpose of quieting the alarm, which the report of his indisposition had spread amongst the people; but upon his return to Windsor, his disorder took a new and unfortunate turn; and before the end of the first week in November it was generally known, that it had settled in a delirium. The grief and consternation, which this intelligence excited amongst all ranks of his affec tionate subjects could only be equalled by the joy they so conspicuously manifested at his happy recovery. The Prince of Wales repaired immediately to Windsor, where he was met by the lord chancellor; they, in concert with the queen, took such measures relative to the domestic affairs of the king, as the ne cessity of the case required. In the mean time all those, who by their rank and situation in the state were required to take a part in so new and unexpected an exigence, assembled in the capital; and an express was dispatched to Mr. Fox, at that time on the continent, to hasten his return.*

The parliament then stood prorogued to the 20th of November; and as the intended commission for a further prorogation had not been issued by the king, its meeting took place upon that day, as a matter of course. The peers and the commons remained in their separate chambers; and the chancellor in the lords, and Mr. Pitt in the commons, having notified the cause of their assembling without the usual notice and summons, and stated the impropriety of their proceeding under such circumstances to the discussion of any public business whatsoever, both houses resolved unanimously to adjourn for fifteen days. At the same time Mr. Pitt took occasion to observe, that it would be indispensably necessary, in case his majesty's illness should unhappily continue longer than the period of their adjournment, that the house should take into immediate consideration the means of supplying, as far as they were competent, the want of the royal presence; it was incumbent upon them to ensure a full attendance, in order to give every possible weight and solemnity to their proceedings. For this purpose it was ordered, that the house should be called over on Thursday the 4th of December next, and that the speaker should send letters requiring the attendance of every member. Orders to the same effect were made by the lords.

In order to lay some ground for the proceeding of the two houses of parliament, a council was holden at Whitehall on the day preceding their meeting, to which all the privy counsellors

Mr. Fox was at this time on the borders of Italy; and the fatigue of travelling incessantly night and day, in order to return in time, seriously affected his health.

† 25 Parl. Deb. p. 2.

were summoned. Of fifty-four who attended, twenty-four were of the party of opposition. The physicians, who had attended his majesty during his illness, were called before them and sworn; after which three questions, which had been previously debated and carried in the council, were put to them severally. The first was, "Whether his majesty's indisposition rendered him incapable of meeting his parliament, and of attending to any "sort of public business?" To this they answered, "That "certainly he was incapable." The second was, " What was "their opinion of the duration of his majesty's malady, and of "the probability of a cure?" To this they answered, “That "there was a great probability of his recovery, but that it was "impossible to limit the time." The third question was, "Did "they give that opinion from the particular symptoms of his ma"jesty's disorder, or from their experience in complaints of a "similar nature?" To this their general answer was, "That it "was from experience, and having observed, that the majority "of those, who were afflicted with the same disease, had reco"vered."

On the 4th the two houses being assembled, the president of the council informed the peers, that the king, by the continuance of his indisposition, was rendered incapable of meeting his parliament, and that all the other functions of government were thereby suspended. He then declared it to be his opinion, that in that dismembered state of the legislature, the right devolved on the two houses of parliament to make such provision for supplying the defect as should be adequate to the necessity of the case; but that it was necessary, before any step could be taken in so delicate a business, that the deficiency should be fully ascertained: with this view he moved, that the minutes of the privy council should be read: which being done, the following Monday was appointed for taking it into consideration.

A motion to the same effect being made by Mr. Pitt in the House of Commons, Mr. Viner expressed his doubt, whether, in a matter of such moment, and which would be attended with such important consequences, the house could proceed upon a report from the privy council, without further examination of the physicians, either at their bar, or by a committee of their own. Mr. Pitt urged, in reply, the delicacy to be discussed; and remarked further, that the examination was taken upon oath, which the house had it not in their power to administer. Mr. Fox concurred in opinion with Mr. Viner; he felt the pro

The physicians were Sir George Baker, Sir Lucas Pepys, Dr. Addington, and Dr. Reynolds; of whom Dr. Addington was the most sanguine in his hopes of his majesty's recovery, as he had seldom or ever known cases attended by such symptoms as he had discovered in his majesty fail of a happy termination. 25 Par. Deb. p. 3.