same monarch. Among the first acts of his ministry, was an examination of the state of the prisons. He set at liberty the victims of oppression, took methods to render the gaols salubrious, and regulated their internal administration :

• The prisons, thronged under the Duke de La Valliere, soon enclosed none but malefactors, or persons dangerous to the interests of social life all those who, by a long captivity, had expiated some trival indiscretion, unguarded remarks, or speeches perhaps a little too free, were restored to society, and to their disconsolate families. Thus the name of Malesherbes was in every mouth; and all France, blessed both the sovereign who took counsel of a sage, and him who so amply justified the confidence of his prince. The report which Malesherbes, on this occasion, laid before the king, affected him deeply he could not refrain from tears on learning that a vast number of the imprisoned, worn out by cruel treatment, had actually lost their senses; and that others, from want of proper assistance, were a prey to the most deplorable infirmities: he thanked Malesherbes for affording their wretchedness all the alleviation in his power, and entrusted him with a considerable sum of money for their relief.'

The abilities and virtues of Turgot and Malesherbes, aided by the good intentions of Louis XVI., were insufficient to stem the corruption of the court; and in the struggle, these good and great men, as might be expected, fell victims to their noble efforts. Malesherbes, though he did not continue a whole year in power, contrived to render numerous and signal services to his fellow-subjects and his country. One object, on which he had laboured much, and in which he failed of success, was the restoration of the Protestants to their civil rights.

Having resigned his office, Malesherbes again retired to the enjoyment of the country, and afterward employed some years in travelling through France, Swisserland, and Holland, Several interesting particulars, and anecdotes, are recorded in this part of the narrative: but we must confine ourselves to the more prominent features of the portraiture.

The subsequent extract, while it shews the consideration in which M. de Malesherbes was held, displays at the same time his patriotism and loyalty: it also manifests the infatuation of the weak monarch, who was not insensible to his worth, but who could not appreciate the value of his advice:

In 1786, the king again invited him to his councils, without appointing him any particular office in the administration.

The reins of government hung loose in the hands of a well-meaning but feeble monarch; the parliaments had once more set up the standard of opposition; day by day the national debt augmented: in short, every thing announced the approach of a fatal crisis, when the ruling powers implored the long required aid of Malesherbes.

• The

The ministers, in calling him then to the cabinet, felt the propriety of sustaining their own measures by the interests of a man of spotless reputation, and of popularity to attract the nation's confidence. But Malesherbes was too clear-sighted not to perceive the abyss into which they designed to plunge their country he poured forth in council the most formidable opinions; opposed all the vigour of his intellect to the erroneous advice they gave the king, and replied to the fantastic schemes of ministers, only by downright calculations and stubborn facts.

Unfortunately his voice was not heard: his apprehensions they regarded as chimerical, his projects as hazardous, and his system of administration as a good man's dream; they therefore counteracted his best efforts, and persuaded Lewis XVI. not to listen to him.

'Malesherbes, compelled to keep silence, could not behold, without terror, the calamities they were preparing for their native country. He determined to make one more experiment; and composed two memoirs on the state of affairs, in which, with a bold and steady hand, he rent asunder the veil that concealed them.

It is here that the mighty views and incorruptible honesty of the author are discernible; he has here compressed, in the ablest manner, every striking historical incident, and every idea which the profoundest reason could suggest: a faithful picture of the ills he warned them to shun; a frank and energetic defence of the respective rights and duties of king and people; the whole proclaiming the talents of a statesman. At this era, had his advice prevailed--what benefits would have accrued! what woes would have been spared!

But the king was blinded by perfidious counsellors; men dcstitute of experience, who had glided from the toilet of the wanton, into the highest situations of the realm, could not endure to have their infirmities exposed; and Malesherbes, abhorred by the courtiers, the object of their malice and of their sarcasms, determined to quit for ever a court, to which, against his inclination, he had returned; and to pass the remnant of his days in the calm of solitude, and in the bosom of his family.

The two memoirs, composed by Malesherbes before his final resignation, have suffered the fate of most of his other manuscript works, and been swallowed up in the bloody archives of the revolutionary tribunal.

The friends of this eminent man, who knew what they contained, declare that they considered them as a perfect introduction to a history of the Revolution; they displayed an abundance of acute and philosophic observations, derived from experience, and from the histories of other countries; and exhibited the real situation of affairs and persons at the epoch of that memorable convulsion, which led the way to the establishment of the republic.

Lewis XVI. was so egregiously prepossessed, that he had not even read over these two essays: in vain did Malesherbes, at different times, supplicate him for the indulgence of a private interview; he never could obtain one, and artifice at length succeeded in estranging the most virtuous of counsellors from the weakest of kings.

When at last the eyes of Lewis were opened, he examined the memoirs of Malesherbes, and perceived that he alone had discovered

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the true remedy for healing the wounds of the state: he then lamented not having listened to his admonitions-and, alas! late and ineffectual repentance! could not refrain from shedding tears at the retrospect.

In the recesses of his woods, the news of the Revolution reached Malesherbes; and he heard of the event without astonishment; he was even, for an instant, sanguine enough to hope that he should now witness the extirpation of abuses: but he soon found that they reformed ancient institutions, only to fabricate establishments for new men and factious leaders, cursed with the ambition of be coming great; and fearless of the destruction they might bring on their country, so they could, in the end, but scat themselves upon her ruins.

He, nevertheless, saw, with concern, wise and moderate men forsake their public stations at the moment when their assistance was most requisite.'

The chief remainder of his days were now employed in digesting plans for the improvement of agriculture; and his scheme of a society for the advancement of this branch of political economy shews in a strong light the bent of his mind towards the public welfare.

We cannot pass over the grand and affecting passage in Malesherbes's life, which elevates him so much above ordinary men, and which represents the honest monitor of the monarch's prosperous days soliciting leave to share his dangers. When we behold him exerting his voice in favour of his forlorn master, how grateful is the echo of it amid the unutterable horrors in the midst of which it was lifted up! In this extract, we contemplate a letter of the veteran hero of humanity, which is the crowning-act of a man who spent his life in deeds of virtue; and it will never be perused without awakening the soul to the most delightful and sublime emotions:

Malesherbes, in his solitude, heard the dreadful particulars of what happened during the mouths of June August, and September: -like the philosopher of old, he folded himself in his mantle, and bemoaned the sufferings of his unfortunate country!

He had now attained the age of seventy years, and already saw approaching the termination of a life every moment of which had been consecrated to the happiness of his fellow creatures, when he was informed by the public prints that the National Convention had passed a decree for the trial of Lewis XVI.

The great soul of Malesherbes was deeply afflicted; he remembered all the virtues of a king distinguished for his love of mercy; the best energies of his early years were awakened in his heart-and, departing instantly for Paris, he wrote the following letter to the president of the National Convention.

❝ Paris,

"Paris, December 11, 1792. First year of the Republic. "Citizen President,

"I know not if the National Convention will allow Lewis XVI. counsel to defend him, or whether he will be permitted to choose any; if so, I desire Lewis may be informed, that, should he make choice of me for that office, I am ready to undertake it.

"I do not ask you to disclose my proposal to the Convention; for I am far from thinking myself a person of such importance as to attract its notice; but I was twice called to the councils of him who was my master, in times when that station was an object of ambition to all; I owe him the same service, when, in the opinion of many, the post is one of some danger.

"Did I possess any possible method of acquainting him with my inclinations, I should not take the liberty of addressing myself to hold, you may have "It occurs to me, that, from the situation you' a better opportunity than any one else of giving him this information.

you.

"I am, with respect," &c.

This letter deserves to occupy the first page in the annals of virtue; it should remain an everlasting monument of courage, of modesty, and greatness of mind: nor can ancient or modern times afford a brighter instance of exalted generosity. Here we behold Malesherbes; and history will inscribe amidst its fairest records, this sublime act of a man of seventy, who, at the moment when terror chilled the ardour of the bravest, steps forward to solicit, as the most signal favour, permission to defend a king, bereft of his crown, and treated as the lowest criminal.'

The event of his interference, and the consequences of it to himself and his family, form an indelible blot on a vast population, too well known to require any reference to be here made to them. We shall close this article with the concluding page of this little volume, to the sentiments of which we cordially subscribe:

Malesherbes died (under the guillotine) aged seventy-two years, four months, and fifteen days. He was, perhaps, the wisest and best man of his time; and his character will descend without a stain to posterity.

The inflexible foe of arbitrary power, and the undaunted defender of the oppressed, throughout his life he lost no opportunity of dry. ing up the tears of the afflicted, and never caused one to flow. The unassuming scholar, the liberal patron of polite letters, he was not content with inculcating in his writings the precepts of virtue, but gave the example in his conduct.

Some foreigners have endeavoured to tarnish his fame, by accusing him, in a libel printed at Berne, of being a philosopher. This is a singular reproach! If philosophy be the love of wisdom, Malesherbes well deserved the accusation. But the Revolution, while it confounded ideas of every kind, also changed the meaning of words:

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Thus, because some villains have usurped the title of patriots, patriotism is called crime; because fiends, clad in the sacerdotal habit, presided at the massacres of St. Bartholomew, piety is termed fanaticism; and because the factious have availed themselves of the authority of philosophers, philosophy and sedition are become synonymous: but the balance seems to be again restored; and this confusion of terms will, doubtless, shortly vanish.

The government has conferred honour on itself by ordering the bust of Malesherbes to be placed amongst the statues of those great men whose names reflect lustre upon their country.

All the fine arts should combine to perpetuate his memory: Sculp ture should bid his features live again; Poetry should celebrate his virtues; and Eloquence weep over his grave.'

The second Lord Mansfield, who had resided long in France, speaking in his place in the House of Peers of the enormities of Robespierre, when he came to the public execution of Malesherbes, applied to the conduct of the bloody tyrant on that occasion the remarkable words of Tacitus, virtutem ipsam exscindere concupivit.

We need scarcely add how much we have been gratified by the perusal of this little volume; which is very modestly introduced by the translator, to whom the English public are much obliged for enabling them thus to contemplate the life of a wise and honest man.' What nobler or more instructive object can they study!

ART. VII. Sermons on the Evils that are in the World, and on various other Topics; from the German of the Rev. George Joachim Zollikofer, Minister of the Reformed Congregation at Leipsick. By the Rev. Wm. Tooke, F.R.S. 2 Vols. 8vo. pp. 576. in each Volume. 11. 18. Boards. Longman aud Co.

IF E this preacher enters a pointed protest against introducing into the pulpit metaphysical investigations, and doctrines which are more fitted to beget doubt than faith,' he is by no means disposed to confine public exhortation to a few subjects: on the contrary, he contends for the propriety of making every thing, which belongs to the whole range and extent of practical wisdom, tributary to the teacher. We have seen, on former occasions, with what success he avails himself of this privilege; and with what varied and persuasive eloquence he excites his hearers to virtue, and to the advancement of the real dignity of man.

See Rev. Vol. xx. N. S. p. 164, and xl. p. 187.