the conduct of this gallant admiral is so well understood, and the greatness of his services so thoroughly appreciated, to allude to the injustice of such a sentence. It stands solitary and aloof, with the brand upon its forehead, and can only now condemn none but its authors. In the defence of Sir Robert Calder, we perceive that he had made an indignant allusion to the mutilation and curtailment of his despatches. This serious charge unfortunately was too true, and the admiralty itself was guilty of the crime. In their published account, the following passage of Sir Robert was retained:-"The enemy are now in sight to windward; and when I have secured the captured ships, and put the squadron to rights, I shall endeavour to avail myself of any further opportunity that may offer to give you a further account of these combined squadrons." In consequence of this announcement, a meeting between the hostile fleets for the renewal of the contest was anticipated; and as the hours went onward, the public ear in London was on the alert for the firing of the Tower guns, to announce a glorious victory. But the following passage, which would have abated this ardour, was omitted:-"At the same time, it will behove me to be on my guard against the combined squadrons in Ferrol, as I am led to believe that they have sent off one or two of their crippled ships last night for that port; therefore, possibly I may find it necessary to make a junction with you immediately off Ushant with the whole squadron." Had the admiralty published this part of Sir Robert's despatch, as they ought to have done, the nation would have seen at once that it was impossible, with only fourteen ships ready for action, to encounter the opposite eighteen, should the latter be joined by the twenty line-of-battle ships whose arrival was hourly expected. But a sensation was to be produced, and hope excited, and therefore the chilling paragraph was fraudulently withheld. And when no victory ensued, the perpetrators of this deed endeavoured to conceal their blunder, and avert the public wrath, by a condemnation that ought to have fallen, not upon Calder, but upon themselves. Although the sentence of the court-martial was expected to soothe the popular disappointment, and for a short time succeeded, yet let no statesman venture upon such experiments with the British public. John Bull is reckoned indeed the very type of gullibility, and with good reason; but the honesty of heart in which this weakness originates is sure to recover the ascendancy, and examine the trial anew, in which case, the false witness and unrighteous judge have equally cause to tremble. Thus it was in the case of Sir Robert Calder. The public began to suspect that he had been unjustly dealt with, and further inquiry only strengthened the suspicion. The same feeling, although more tardily, at length obtained entrance into head-quarters; and in 1810 Mr. Yorke, then first lord of the admiralty, ventured to express his conviction that Sir Robert had deserved very different treatment. In parliament, also, the same sentiment was expressed by the Duke of Norfolk and the Earl of Romney. The result of this return to a proper feeling, was the offer to Sir Robert, on the part of Mr. Yorke, of the important command of Plymouth, which the former accepted as a testimony of his acquittal and recognition of his public services and worth. After Sir Robert Calder had held the appointment for three years, he died at Holt, near Bishop's Waltham, in Hants, on the 31st of August, 1818, in the 74th year of his age. CALDERWOOD, DAVID, an eminent divine and ecclesiastical historian. The year of his birth, the place of his education, and the character of the family from which he was descended, are all alike unknown. The earliest ascertained fact of his life is his settlement, in 1604, as minister of Crailing, in Roxburghshire. Being a zealous supporter of the principles of presbytery, he set himself with all his might to oppose the designs of the court, which aimed at the introduction of a moderate episcopacy. In 1608, when the Bishop of Glasgow paid an official visit to the synod of Merse and Teviotdale, Mr. Calderwood gave in a paper declining his juris diction. For this act of contumacy he was confined for several years to his parish, so as to prevent his taking any share in the public business of the church. In the summer of 1617 King James paid a visit to Scotland, for the purpose of urging forward his episcopal innovations. On this occasion, while the parliament was considering how to intrust powers of ecclesiastical supremacy to the king, the clergy were convened to deliberate in a collusive manner, so that everything might appear to be done with the consent and approbation of the church. This assemblage was attended by the bishops, who affected to consider it an imitation of the convocations of the English Church. Calderwood, being now permitted to move about, though still forbidden to attend synods or presbyteries, appeared at this meeting, which he did not scruple to proclaim as in no respect a convocation, but simply a free assembly of the clergy. Finding himself opposed by some friends of the bishops, Mr. Calderwood took leave of them in a short but pithy speech, allusive to the sly attempts of the king to gain the clergy, by heightening their stipends:-"It was absurd," he said, "to see men sitting in silks and satins, crying poverty in the kirk, while purity was departing." He assisted, however, at another meeting of the clergy, where it was resolved to deliver a protest to parliament against a particular article, or bill, by which the power of framing new laws for the church was to be intrusted to an ecclesiastical council appointed by the king. This protest was signed by Mr. Archibald Simpson, as representing all the rest, who, for his justification, furnished him with a roll containing their own signatures. One copy of the document was intrusted to a clergyman of the name of Hewat, who, having a seat in parliament, undertook to present it. Another remained with Mr. Simpson, in case of accident. Mr. Hewat's copy having been torn in a dispute with Archbishop Spottiswoode, Mr. Simpson presented his, and was soon after called before the tyrannical court of high commission, as a stirrer up of sedition. Being pressed to give up the roll containing the names of his abettors, he acknowledged it was now in the hands of Mr. David Calderwood, who was then cited to exhibit the said roll, and, at the same time, to answer for his seditious and mutinous behaviour. The commission court sat at St. Andrews, and the king having come there himself, had the curiosity to examine Mr. Calderwood in person. Some of the persons present came up to the peccant divine, and, in a friendly manner, counselled him to "come in the king's will," that his majesty might pardon him. But Mr. Calderwood entertained too strong a sense of the propriety and importance of what he had been doing, to yield up the point in this manner. "That which was done," he said, "was done with deliberation." In the conversation which ensued betwixt the king and him, the reader will be surprised to find many of the most interesting points of modern liberty asserted with firmness and dignity worthy of an ancient Roman. a King. What moved you to protest? Calderwood. An article concluded among the | you, or give a reason wherefore I disobey; and, if I laws of the articles. King. But what fault was there in it? Calderwood. It cutteth off our General Assemblies. King. (After inquiring how long Mr. Calderwood had been a minister.) Hear me, Mr. David, I have been an older keeper of General Assemblies than you. A General Assembly serveth to preserve doctrine in purity from error and heresy, the kirk from schism, to make confessions of faith, to put up petitions to the king in parliament. But as for matters of order, rites, and things indifferent in kirk policy, they may be concluded by the king, with advice of bishops and a choice number of ministers. Calderwood. Sir, a General Assembly should serve, and our General Assemblies have served these fifty-six years, not only for preserving doctrine from error and heresy, but also to make canons and constitutions of all rites and orders belonging to the kirk. As for the second point, as by a competent number of ministers may be meant a General Assembly, so also may be meant a fewer number of ministers than may make up a General Assembly. The king then challenged him for some words in the protestation. King. Active and passive obedience! Calderwood. That is, we will rather suffer than practise. disobey, your majesty knows I am to lie under the King. That is, to obey either actively or passively. He was then removed. Being afterwards called up, and threatened with deprivation, he declined the authority of the bishops to that effect; for which contumacy he was first imprisoned in St. Andrews, and then banished from the kingdom. When we read such conversations as the above, we can scarcely wonder at the civil war which commenced twenty years afterwards, or that the efforts of the Stuarts to continue the ancient arbitrary government of England were finally ineffectual. Mr. Calderwood continued to reside in Holland from the year 1619 till after the death of King James, in 1625. Before leaving his country he published a book on the Perth assembly, for which he would certainly have been visited with some severe punishment, if he had not been quick to convey himself beyond seas. In 1623 he published, in Holland, his celebrated treatise, entitled, Altare Damascenum, the object of which was to expose the insidious means by which the polity of the English Calderwood. Whatsoever was the phrase of speech, church had been intruded upon that of Scotland. we meant nothing but to protest that we would give | King James is said to have been severely stung in passive obedience to his majesty, but could not give conscience by this work. He was found very active obedience to any unlawful thing which should pensive one day by an English prelate, and being flow from that article. asked why he was so, answered, that he had just read the Altar at Damascus. The bishop desired his majesty not to trouble himself about that book, for he and his brethren would answer it. "Answer that, man!" cried the king sharply; "how can ye? there is nothing in it but Scripture, reason, and the fathers." An attempt was made, however, to do something of this kind. A degraded Scottish gentleman, named Scott, being anxious to ingratiate himself at court, published a recantation as from the pen of Mr. Calderwood, who, he believed and alleged, was just dead. There was only one unfortunate circumstance against Mr. Scott. Mr. Calderwood soon let it be known that he was still alive, and of the same way of thinking as ever. The wretched impostor is said to have then gone over to Holland and sought for Mr. Calderwood, in order to render his work true by assassinating him. But this red ink postscript was never added, for the divine had just returned to his native country. King. I will tell thee, man, what is obedience. The centurion, when he said to his servants, to this man, go, and he goeth; to that man, come, and he cometh: that is obedience. Calderwood. To suffer, sir, is also obedience; howbeit, not of that same kind. And that obedience, also, was not absolute, but limited, with exception of a countermand from a superior power. Secretary. Mr. David, let alone [cease]; confess your error. Calderwood. My lord, I cannot see that I have committed any fault. King. Well, Mr. Calderwood, I will let you see that I am gracious and favourable. That meeting shall be condemned before ye be condemned; all that are in the file shall be filed before ye be filed, provided ye will conform. Calderwood. Sir, I have answered my libel. ought to be urged no further. I King. It is true, man, ye have answered your libel; but consider I am here; I may demand of you when and what I will. Calderwood. Surely, sir, I get great wrong, if I be compelled to answer here in judgment to any more than my libel. King. Answer, sir! ye are a refractor: the Bishop of Glasgow, your ordinary, and the Bishop of Caithness, the moderator of your presbytery, testify ye have kept no order; ye have repaired neither to presbyteries nor synods, and in no wise conform. Calderwood. Sir, I have been confined these eight or nine years; so my conformity or nonconformity, in that point, could not be well known. King. Good faith, thou art a very knave. See these self-same puritans; they are ever playing with equivocations. Finally, the king asked, "If ye were relaxed, will ye obey or not?" Calderwood. Sir, I am wronged, in that I am forced to answer questions beside the libel; yet, seeing I must answer, I say, sir, I shall either obey Mr. Calderwood lived in a private manner at Edinburgh for many years, chiefly engaged, it is supposed, in the unobtrusive task of compiling a history of the Church of Scotland, from the death of James V. to that of James VI. His materials for this work lay in Knox's History, Mr. James Melville's Observations, Mr. John Davidson's Diary, the acts of parliament and assembly, and other state documents. The work, in its original form, was long deemed too large for publication, although manuscript copies were preserved in the archives of the church, Glasgow university, the Advocates' Library, and the library of the British Museum, London. At length, however, the copy in the last-mentioned place was published by the Wodrow Society in 1843. On the breaking out of the troubles in 1638, Mr. Calderwood appeared on the public scene as a warm promoter of all the popular measures. At the Glasgow assembly in that year, and on many future occasions, his acquaintance with the records of the church proved of much service. He now also resumed his duty as a parish minister, being settled at Pencaitland, in East Lothian. In 1643 he was appointed one of the committee for drawing up the directory for public worship, and in 1646 an ab stract of his church history was published under the | solicitation on his part, elected a fellow of the Society care of the General Assembly. At length, in 1651, while Cromwell's army occupied the Lothians, Mr. Calderwood retired to Jedburgh, where, in the immediate neighbourhood of the scene of his earliest ministrations, he sickened and died at a good old age. CALLANDER, JOHN, of Craigforth, an eminent antiquary, was born in the early part of the eighteenth century. He was the descendant of John Callander, his majesty's master-smith in Scotland, who seems to have been an industrious money-making person, and who, tradition says, acquired part of his fortune from a mistake on the part of government in paying in pounds sterling an account which had been stated in Scots money. The estate of Craigforth, which originally belonged to Lord Elphinstone, was in 1684 purchased by Mr. Alexander Higgins, an advocate, who became embarrassed by the purchase, and conveyed his right to Callander, from whom he had obtained large advances of money. From that period the estate has remained in the possession of the family, notwithstanding the strenuous exertions of Higgins to regain it; and of this family the subject of the present memoir was the representative. Of his private history, very little has been collected; nor would it probably have much interest to our readers. The next work published by him was Terra Australis Cognita, or Voyages to the Terra Australis, or Southern Hemisphere, during the 16th, 17th, and 18th centuries, Edinburgh, 1766; 3 vols. 8vo, a work translated from the French of De Brosses. It was not till thirteen years afterwards that he gave to the world his Essay towards a Literal English Version of the New Testament in the Epistle to the Ephesians, printed in quarto at Glasgow, in 1779. This very singular production proceeds upon the principle of adhering rigidly to the order of the Greek words, and abandoning entirely the English idiom. As a specimen of the translation, the 31st verse of chapter v. is here transcribed. "Because of this shall leave a man, the father of him, and the mother, and he shall be joined to the wife of him, and they shall be even the two into one flesh." The notes to the work are in Greek, "a proof, certainly," as has been judiciously remarked, "of Mr. Callander's learning, but not of his wisdom" (Orme's Bibliotheca Biblica, p. 74). After it followed the work by which Mr. Callander is best known: Two Ancient Scottish Poems: The Gaberlunzie Man, and Christ's Kirk on the Green, with notes and observations. Edin. 1782, 8vo. It would seem that he had for some time meditated a dictionary of the Scottish language, of which he intended this as a specimen, but which he never prepared for publication. His principle, as an etymologist, which consists "in deriving the words of every language from the radical sounds of the first or original tongue, as it was spoken by Noah and the builders of Babel," is generally considered fanciful, and several instances have been given by Chalmers and others of the absurdity of his derivations. In April, 1781, Mr. Callander was, without any 1 Letters from Bishop Percy, &c., to George Paton. Preface, p. viii. 2 Though a member of the Scottish bar, the early part of his life seems to have been devoted to classical pursuits, in which it is acknowledged he made great proficiency. A considerable portion of the results of these studies was presented by him to the Society of Scottish Antiquaries, in August, 1781. His MSS., which are entitled Spicilegia Antiquitatis Graca, sive ex Veteribus Poetis Deperdita Fragmenta, are in five volumes, folio. The same researches were afterwards directed to the illustration of Milton's Paradise Lost, of which a specimen, containing his annotations on the first book, was printed at Glasgow, by Messrs. Foulis, in 1750 (4to, p. 167). Of these notes an account will afterwards be given. of Scottish Antiquaries, which had been formed in the preceding November, by the late Earl of Buchan; and in the first list of office-bearers his name appears as secretary for foreign correspondence. Along with several other donations, he presented them, in August of the same year, with the Fragmenta already mentioned, and with the MS. notes on Paradise Lost, in nine folio volumes. For more than forty years these annotations remained unnoticed in the society's possession, but at length a paper, written, it is supposed, by the respectable biographer of the Admirable Crichton and Sir Thomas Craig, appeared in Blackwood's Magazine, in which Callander is charged with having, without acknowledgment, been indebted for a large proportion of his materials to the labours of Patrick Hume, a Scotsman who published a huge folio of 321 pages on the same subject, at London, in 1695. At the suggestion of Mr. David Laing, a committee was appointed in 1826 to examine the MSS., and present the result to the society. From the reports drawn up by Mr. Laing, it appears that, although there are some passages in which the analogy between Callander's remarks and those of Hume are so close that no doubt can be entertained of the one having availed himself of the notes of the other, yet that the proportion to the whole mass is so small, that it cannot be affirmed with truth the general plan or the largest portion of the materials of the work are derived from that source. On the other hand, it is candidly admitted that no acknowledgment of his obligations to his fellow-countrymen are made by Mr. Callander; but unfortunately a preface, in which such obligations are generally noticed, has never been written for, or, at all events, is not attached to, the work. According to the testimony of Bishop Newton, the work by Hume contains "gold;" but it is concealed among "infinite heaps of rubbish:" to separate them was the design of the learned bishop, and our author seems to have acted precisely upon the same principle. Nor does he confine himself merely to the commentaries of Hume; he avails himself as often, and to as great an extent, of the notes of Newton, and of the other contemporary critics. Α Besides the works already mentioned, Mr. Callander seems to have projected several others. specimen of a Bibliotheca Septentrionalis was printed in folio in 1778. Proposals for a History of the Ancient Music of Scotland, from the age of the venerable Ossian, to the beginning of the sixteenth century, in quarto, 1781; and a specimen of a Scoto-gothic glossary is mentioned in a letter to the Earl of Buchan in 1781. He also wrote "Vindicia Miltoniane, or a refutation of the charges brought against Milton by [the infamous] William Lauder." The publication of this work was, however, rendered unnecessary from the appearance of the well-known vindication by Dr. Douglas, afterwards Bishop of Salisbury. This was, perhaps, fortunate for its author; not aware of Lauder's character, he had taken it for granted that all his quotations from Milton's works were correct, but he soon found that he had defended the poet where "he stood in no need of any apology to clear his fame." It is probably hardly worth mentioning, that he also projected an edition of Sir David Lindsay's Satyre, to be accompanied by a life of Lindsay from the pen of George Paton, which he does not seem to have accomplished. "Mr. Callander," says the editor of Paton's Letters, 3 See Trans. of the Soc. of Scot. Antiq. vol. 3, part i. pp. 84-89. 4 Letters from Thomas Percy, D.D., afterwards Bishop of Dromore, John Callander, of Craigforth, Esq., David Herd, and others, to George Paton. Edinburgh, 1830, 12mo, P. L "was, for many years, particularly distinguished for his companionable qualities. He had a taste for music, and was an excellent performer on the violin. Latterly he became very retired in his habits, saw little company, and his mind was deeply affected by a religious melancholy, which entirely unfitted him for society. He died at a good old age, upon the 14th September, 1789. By his wife, who was of the family of Livingston of Westquarter, he had seventeen children. His great-grandson is at present in possession of the estate." CAMERON, DONALD, of Lochiel. This gallant Highland chief, who united such amiable manners and attractive accomplishments to the proverbial hardihood and valour of his race, that his name has descended to us under the title of "the gentle Lochiel,' occupies the most conspicuous place in the history of the unfortunate rebellion of 1745, and may be considered as the fairest type of those chivalrous men by whom such a romantic lustre has been thrown over Jacobite loyalty and devotedness. He was grandson of that Sir Ewen Cameron, chief of Lochiel, of whom so many remarkable stories have been told, that he passes among Lowlanders as the Amadis de Gaul, or Guy of Warwick of the Highlands. Not the least remembered of these was his supreme contempt for Saxon effeminacy, so that, in a night bivouac among the snow, he kicked a snowball from under his son's head exclaiming, "What, are you become so luxurious that you cannot sleep without a pillow?" John Cameron of Lochiel, the father of Donald, for the share he had taken in the rebellion of 1715, was obliged to escape to France, and in consequence of his attainder, the subject of this notice succeeded to the estates of his ancestors, and chieftainship of the clan. On account of his father being still alive, he was commonly called by the Highlanders "Young Lochiel," although he was of mature age when he entered the field; but the precise year of his birth | we are unable to discover. As the grandfather and father of Donald had been steadfast adherents to the cause of the Stuarts, and as the clan Cameron was both numerous and powerful, the Chevalier de St. George opened a correspondence with the present chief, and invested him with full powers to negotiate in Scotland for the restoration of the exiled dynasty. Such was the state of affairs when the young Pretender, accompanied by only seven attendants, landed upon the western coast, and sent tidings to all his adherents in the neighbourhood of his arrival and its purposes. They were astounded at the intelligence. Had he come at the head of a strong reinforcement of foreign troops, and supplied with money for the expenses of a campaign, the whole Highlands might have been armed in his cause, and the result would scarcely have been doubtful; but, on the present occasion, the Highland chieftains well knew that the hope of overturning three kingdoms by their own resources was utter madness, and that the attempt would only precipitate themselves and their followers into certain destruction. But now the prince was among them, and all but alone: he had thrown himself upon their loyalty, and could they requite it with ingratitude? Such was the generous disinterested feeling with which the chiefs embarked in this desperate undertaking, and not from overweening confidence in their own valour, or hope of the rewards of conquest. They saw nothing before them but death on the field or the scaffold; and although their first success tended to remove these gloomy forebodings, they returned in full strength with the retreat from Derby, and were confirmed upon the field of Culloden. In all these fears Lochiel fully participated. As soon, therefore, as he heard of the prince's arrival, he sent his brother, Dr. Archibald Cameron, to warn him of the consequences of the enterprise. This the Doctor did faithfully and earnestly; he even told the prince that his brother could not and would not join him under such circumstances. But he spoke to the son of a doomed race, whom no warnings could enlighten. Still, however, Charles felt that without the co-operation of Lochiel it was useless to advance, and he therefore sent Macdonald the younger, of Scothouse, requesting a personal interview with the Cameron at Borodale. Perhaps he was aware of the marvellous power that accompanies the petitions of a prince. The chief complied with an invitation which he could not well refuse, but he set out with a firm resolution to have nothing to do with the prince's undertaking. This he expressed to his brother, John Cameron of Fassefern, upon whom he called on his way. As soon as Fassefern learned that Charles had arrived without money, arms, or troops, he approved of his brother's purpose not to join the expedition, and advised him to communicate this by letter; but when Lochiel persisted in continuing his journey to Borodale, as the best opportunity for justifying his refusal, Fassefern replied, "Brother, I know you better than you know yourself. If this prince once sets his eyes upon you, he will make you do whatever he pleases." In the interview that followed between the prince and his chivalrous adherent, this prediction was too well verified. The latter stated that, as his royal highness had come without the promised supplies in men and money, the Highland chiefs were released from their engagements; and he advised Charles to return to France, and await a more favourable opportunity. To this the prince replied that no such opportunity as the present might again occur-that most of the British troops were abroad, and the few newly-raised regiments at home would be unable to withstand the army of Highlanders that could be brought into the field, and that a few advantages at the outset would insure him effectual assistance both at home and from abroad. Unpersuaded by these arguments, which were more showy than solid, Lochiel advised a middle course: this was, that the prince should dismiss his attendants and his ship, the Doutelle, back to France, so that it might be thought that himself had returned with them, and that, in the meantime, his highness might remain concealed in the Highlands until the court of France could send over an armament to their aid. This, however, Charles rejected, declaring that the court of France would never believe he had a party in Scotland until an insurrection had actually commenced. Thus driven from every point of dissuasion, Lochiel had recourse to his last inducement, by entreating that his highness would remain at Borodale until the Highland chiefs could be assembled, when they might deliberate in concert what was best to be done; but this prudent proposal Charles also refused. "In a few days," he exclaimed, "and with the few friends that I have, I will erect the royal standard, and proclaim to the people of Britain that Charles Stuart is come over to claim the crown of his ances tors-to win it, or to perish in the attempt: Lochiel, whom my father has often told me was our firmest friend, may stay at home, and from the newspapers learn the fate of his prince." This taunt, which touched so keenly the honour of the high-minded chief, decided him at once, and he cried, "No! I'll share the fate of my prince; and so shall every man over whom nature or fortune has given me any power!" In this way "the gentle Lochiel" was over thrown and taken captive by what many will reckon | described by Dugald Graham, the Homer of this a mere punctilio. In his case, too, it was the more eventful rebellion:to be regretted, as not only his own fate and that of his clan was at stake, but the introduction of a civil war, which, but for his example, would either not have happened, or have begun and terminated in a petty skirmish. "This did enrage the Camerons' chief, He fired, and shot him through the back; Nor how all things may chance to go."" Having gained over a chief so influential, the Pretender thought that he might proceed at once to action, and accordingly he announced his purpose to raise the royal standard on the 19th of August at Glenfinnan, where all his Highland adherents were warned to be in readiness. In the meantime Lochiel went home to muster his clan for the gathering. When the period arrived, Charles, who had now been three weeks in the Highlands without the secret being di-wards distinguished. On reaching Edinburgh, which vulged, embarked from Kinlochmoidart, with twentyfive attendants in three boats, and reached Glenfinnan on the morning of the rendezvous. And dreary was the prospect that welcomed him to his expected kingdom, for he found himself in a dark narrow glen, bounded on both sides by high rocky mountains; and instead of the gallant muster of impatient clans by whom he hoped his coming would be greeted, there were no persons but the inhabitants of the few wretched hovels sprinkled at wide intervals along the glen, who stood at their doors, or among the distant precipices, to gaze at the arrival of the strangers. Dispirited at this appearance of remissness on the part of his friends, Charles retired to one of these hovels, where, after two anxious hours of suspense, his ears were gladdened by the sound of a distant bagpipe. It was the clan Cameron hastening to the trysting-place, with Lochiel at their head. They were from 700 to 800 strong, while in point of arms, discipline, and equipments, they formed the elite of that rebel army by which such singular successes were obtained both in Scotland and England. The Camerons also did not come to the meeting empty-handed, for they brought with them, as prisoners, a party of the royalist soldiers who had been surprised in the neighbourhood of Loch Lochie. On the arrival of Lochiel and his followers, Charles, without waiting for the rest of the clans, proclaimed war in due form against the "Elector of Hanover," raised his silk banner of white, blue, and red, and proclaimed his father sovereign of the British empire. After this ceremony new volunteers arrived, by which the prince soon found himself at the head of 1200 men. With such an army, where nearly one half were very imperfectly armed, and with only one guinea in his pocket when he reached the fair city of Perth, the young Chevalier commenced his daring march for the overthrow of three kingdoms. It has often been reckoned one of the maddest freaks in military history; but how would it have been characterized had it succeeded, which it almost did? The wonderful successes of Montrose, with means as inadequate, were not yet forgotten in the Highlands. The rest of the career of Lochiel is so closely connected with the events of the campaign of 1745, that a full detail of them would necessarily include a narrative of the whole rebellion. We can, therefore, only specify a few particulars. The town of Perth, which fell into the hands of the insurgents after they commenced their descent into the Lowlands, was taken by a party of the Camerons. On crossing the Forth the great difficulty was to restrain the Highlanders from plundering, as they committed much havoc among the sheep, which they hunted and shot as if they had been hares, and cooked in their own rude fashion. A summary act of justice executed by Lochiel upon one of these marauders is thus It was a just and humane order, enforced by politic considerations, and as such it must have greatly aided in procuring for the wild miscellaneous army that character for forbearance by which it was afterhad closed its gates and refused to surrender, Charles, with the army of Sir John Cope at his heels, was anxious to place his wild followers within the walls of the ancient capital, but without the bloodshed and odium of a storm. This resolution, which was so congenial to the character of Lochiel, the gallant chief undertook to execute; and with a select detachment of 900 men he marched by night to the city gates, which, however, were too jealously watched to give him access. While he waited for an oppor tunity, a hackney coach, filled with deputies, that had been sent from the town-council to the prince's head-qaurters, and were returning home by the Canongate, suddenly appeared. As soon as the gate opened to admit them, a party of Highlanders rushed in, disarmed the guards in a twinkling, and cleared the way for their fellows. In this way Edinburgh was captured without shedding a drop of blood, or even making so much noise as to disturb the sleep of its inhabitants. Lochiel again appears on the very foreground of Prestonpans, the victory of which was chiefly attributed to his clan, by whom the dragoons were routed, and the royalist foot left wholly uncovered. In charging cavalry, which was a new event in Highland warfare, he ordered his men to rush forward boldly and strike at the noses of the horses with their broadswords, without caring about the riders; and the consequence was, that these formidable-looking cavaliers were chased off the field by a single onset. In the unsuccessful expedition into England which followed this victory, the Camerons were always found at their post, while the conduct of their chief was distinguished throughout the advance and retreat by the same combination of prudence, courage, and clemency. Strangely enough, however, it happened that he, the "gentle Lochiel," was, on one occasion, mistaken for a cannibal or an ogre. In England fearful tales had been reported of the Highlanders, and among others, that they had claws instead of hands, and fed upon human flesh. On that account, one evening, when he entered the lodging that had been assigned to him, the poor landlady threw herself at his feet, and besought him, with uplifted hands and weeping eyes, to take her life, but spare her two children. Astonished at this, he asked her what she meant, when she told him everybody had said that the Highlanders ate children as their common food. A few kind words sufficed to disabuse her; and opening the door of a press, she cried with a voice of joy, "Come out, children, the gentleman won't eat you," upon which the two little prisoners emerged from their concealment and fell at his feet. At the winding up of this wild tragedy on Culloden Moor, Lochiel had his full share of disappointment and disaster. He was one of the advocates of a night surprise of the English army, and when the unsuc cessful attempt was made, he was one of its principal |