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remained faithful in their allegiance to England. These made bitter complaint of the miserable condition to which they had been reduced, both from the increasing power of Bruce, and from the oppression which they suffered under the government of the English ministers. Edward, deserted and despised by his nobility, who at this time not only refused to attend his army, but even to assemble in parliament upon his summons, could merely answer these complaints by promises which he was unable to perform. Meanwhile the arms of the patriots continued | to prosper. Edward Bruce took and destroyed the castle of Rutherglen, and the town and castle of Dundee. He next laid siege to the castle of Stirling, then held by Philip de Mowbray, an English commander of bravery and reputation; but was here less successful. Unable, by any mode of attack known in those days, to make impression on a fortress of so great strength, Edward consented to a treaty with the governor that the place should be surrendered, if not | succoured by the King of England before St. John's day in the ensuing midsummer. Bruce was much displeased with his brother for having granted such a truce, yet he consented to ratify it. The space of time agreed upon allowed ample leisure to the English king to collect his forces for the relief of the castle-the almost only remaining stronghold which he now possessed in Scotland; and Robert felt that he must either oppose him in battle with a greatly inferior army, or, by retreating in such circumstances, lessen the great fame and advantages which he had acquired.

The English king having effected a temporary reconciliation with his refractory nobility, lost no time in making preparations, not only to relieve the castle of Stirling, but to recover the revolted kingdom to his authority. He summoned the whole power of the English barons to meet him in arms at Berwick on the 11th of June; invited to his aid Eth O'Connor, chief of the native Irish of Connaught, and twenty-six other Irish chieftains; summoned his English subjects in Ireland to attend his standard, and put both them and the Irish auxiliaries under the command of the Earl of Ulster. "So vast," says Barbour, "was the army which was now collected, that nothing nearly so numerous had ever before been arrayed by England, and no force that Scotland could produce might possibly have been able to withstand it in the open field." A considerable number of ships were also ordered for the invasion of Scotland by sea, and for transporting provisions and warlike stores for the use of the army.

The Scottish king, meanwhile, used every effort to meet the approaching contest, and appointed a general rendezvous of his forces at the Torwood, between Falkirk and Stirling. His fighting men somewhat exceeded 30,000 in number, besides about 15,000 unarmed and undisciplined followers of the camp, according to the mode in those times. Two days before the battle he took up his position in a field not far from Stirling, then known by the name of New Park, which had the castle on the left, and the brook of Bannock on the right. The banks of the rivulet were steep and rugged, and the ground between it and Stirling, being part of a park or chase, was partly open, and partly broken by copse-wood and marshy ground. The place was naturally well adapted for opposing the attacks of cavalry, and to strengthen it yet more those places whereby horsemen might have access were covered with concealed pitfalls, so numerous and close together, that, according to one ancient authority, they might be likened to a honey-comb. They were a foot in width, and between two and three feet deep, many rows being

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placed one behind the other, the whole being slightly covered with sods and brushwood, so as not to be obvious to an impetuous enemy. The king divided his regular forces into four divisions. Three of these occupied the intended line of battle, from the brook of Bannock, which covered his right flank, to the village of St. Ninians, where their left must have remained somewhat exposed to the garrison of Stirling in their rear; Bruce, perhaps, trusting in this disposition partly to the honour of Mowbray, who by the terms of the treaty was precluded from making any attack, but probably more to his real inability of giving any effectual annoyance. Edward Bruce com. manded the right wing of these three divisions, which was strengthened by a strong body of cavalry under Keith, the mareschal of Scotland, to whom was committed the charge of attacking the English archers; Sir James Douglas and the young Stewart of Scotland led the central division, and Thomas Randolph, now Earl of Moray, the left. The king himself commanded the fourth or reserve division, composed of the men of Argyle, the islanders, and his own vassals of Carrick. The unarmed followers of the camp were placed in a valley at some distance in the rear, separated from the field by an eminence, since denominated, it is supposed, from this circumstance, the Gillies' (that is, the Servants') Hill. These dispositions were made upon the 22d of June, 1314; and next day, being Sunday, the alarm reached the Scottish camp of the approach of the enemy. Sir James Douglas and the mareschal were despatched with a body of cavalry to reconnoitre the English army, then in full march from Falkirk towards Stirling. They soon returned, and, in private, informed the king of the formidable state of the enemy, but gave out publicly that the English, though indeed a numerous host, seemed ill commanded and disorderly. The hurried march of Edward into Scotland might give some colour of truth to this information; but no sight, we are told by the ancient authors, could in reality be more glorious and animating than the advance of that great army, in which were concentrated the whole available chivalry, and all the martial pomp which the power and riches of the English monarch could command.

Robert was particularly anxious that no succours from the English army should reach the garrison in Stirling Castle, and enjoined Randolph, who commanded his left wing, to be vigilant against any such attempt. This precaution was not unsuccessful; for, as the English forces drew near, a body of Soo horsemen were detached under the command of Clifford, who, making a circuit by the low grounds to the east and north of St. Ninians, attempted to pass the front of the Scottish army and approach the castle. They were perceived by the king, who, coming hastily up to Randolph, exclaimed, "Thoughtless man! you have suffered the enemy to pass your post: a rose has fallen from your chaplet!" On receiving this sharp reproof, Randolph hurried with 500 spearmen to redeem his negligence, or perish in the attempt. The English cavalry, perceiving his advance, wheeled round to attack him. Randolph drew up his small party into a compact form, presenting a front of spears extending outwards on all sides, and awaited the charge. In this porcupinelike form were they assailed on every side by Clifford's cavalry, but without effect. At the first onset a considerable number of the English were unhorsed, and Sir William Daynecourt, an officer of rank, was slain. Environed, however, as he was, there seemed no chance for Randolph; and Douglas, who witnessed the jeopardy of his friend, requested permission of the king to go and succour him.

"You shall not move from your ground," said Robert; "let Randolph extricate himself as he best may; I will not for him break purpose." "In truth," replied Douglas, after a pause, "I cannot stand by and see Randolph perish; and, with your leave, I must aid him." The king unwillingly consented, and Douglas hastened to the rescue. The generous support of the good knight was not required; for he had not advanced far when he perceived the English to waver, and fall into confusion. Ordering his followers to halt, "those brave men," said he, "have repulsed the enemy; let us not diminish their glory | by sharing it." The assailants had indeed begun to flag in their efforts, when Randolph, who watched well his opportunity, ordering, in his turn, a sudden and furious charge among them, put the whole body to flight, sustaining on his own side a loss so small as to seem almost incredible.

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tending army of his enemies, he seemed surprised,
and turning himself to Sir Ingram Umphraville, ex-
claimed," "What! will yon Scotsmen fight?" "Yea,
sickerly," replied the knight, who even went the
length of advising the king that, instead of making
an open attack under so great disadvantages of
position, he should feign a retreat, pledging himself,
from his own experience, that by such means only
could he break the firm array of the Scots and over-
whelm them. The king disdained this counsel; and
chancing then to observe the whole body of the
Scots kneel themselves to the ground-"See," said
he, "yon folk kneel to ask mercy."
"You say
truly," Sir Ingram replied; "they ask mercy, but it
is not of you, but of God. Yon men will win the
field or die." "Be it so then," said the king, and
immediately gave order to sound the charge.

At the signal of attack, the van of the English While this spirited combat was going on in one galloped on to charge the right wing of the Scots, part of the field, another, of a still more extraordinary commanded by Edward, the king's brother, and character, was destined to arrest the attention of both were received with unshaken firmness. This adarmies. The English, who had slowly advanced in vance allowed part of the main body of the order of battle, had at length, before evening, ap- English to come up, who, moving obliquely to the proached so near, that the two opposing vanguards right of their own van, were soon engaged with the came distinctly into view of each other. Robert was centre and left flank of the Scottish army. The then riding leisurely along the front of the Scottish conflict thus soon became general along the whole line, meanly mounted on a small palfrey, having a Scottish line. Repeated and desperate attempts battle-axe in his hand, and distinguished from his were made by the Engish cavalry to break the firm, knights by a circlet of gold over his helmet. Henry or as they seemed immovable, phalanxes of the enemy, de Bohun, an English knight, completely armed, but with no effect. Straitened and harassed by the chanced to ride somewhat in advance of his com- nature of the ground, they with difficulty maintained panions, when, recognizing the Scottish king alone, order; and but that they were pressed on by the mass and at such disadvantage, he rode furiously towards in their rear, the front lines of the English would him with his spear couched, trusting to have unhorsed have been repulsed. Bruce perceiving that his troops or slain him on the spot. Robert awaited the en- were grievously annoyed by the English archers, decounter, avoided the spear of his adversary, and tached a small but chosen band of cavalry under Sir rising in the stirrups, struck Bohun, as he passed, Robert Keith, who, making a circuit by the right with such a blow of his battle-axe as to cleave the extremity of the Scottish line, fell furiously upon the steel helmet of the knight, and break the handle of unprotected archers in flank, and put them to flight. the axe into two. The Scots, animated by this This body of men, whose importance in an English exploit of their leader, advanced upon the English army was so often exemplified, were so effectually vanguard, who immediately fell back in some con- scattered, as to be of no after use in the battle. fusion upon their main body. When the Scottish Robert with his body of reserve now joined battle; army had again recovered order, some of its leaders and though the fury on both sides was not relaxed, kindly rebuked Robert for his imprudence. The the English forces were every moment falling more king, conscious of the justice of their remarks, said and more into disorder. Matters were in this critithat he was sorry for the loss of his good battle-axe. cal state, when a singular accident or device, for it These two incidents falling out so opportunely upon never has been ascertained which, decided the fortune the eve of battle greatly animated the courage of the of the day. As before stated, the Scottish camp patriot army, while, in a like degree, they abashed was attended by about fifteen thousand followers; and dispirited the enemy. and these, along with the camp baggage, were stationed by Bruce to the rear of a little eminence called Gillies' Hill. These men, either instructed for the purpose, or, what seems more likely, perceiving that the English army began to give way, resolved with what weapons chance afforded, to fall down into the rear of their countrymen, so that they might share in the honour and plunder of the victory. They drew up into a sort of martial order, some mounted on the baggage horses and others on foot, having sheets fastened upon tent-poles and spears, instead of banners. The sudden spectacle of what seemed to the English a new army, completed their confusion; the Scots felt their advantage, and raising a shout, pressed forward on their enemies with a fury which became irresistible. Discipline and union were lost, and the rout of the English was complete.

On Monday the 24th of June, at break of day, the two armies mustered in order of battle. The van of the English, consisting of archers and lancemen, was commanded by the Earl of Gloucester, nephew of King Edward, and the Earl of Hereford, constable of England. The main body, comprising nine great divisions, was led by the king in person, attended by the Earl of Pembroke and Sir Giles d'Argentine, a knight of Rhodes, and a chosen body of 500 wellarmed horse as his body-guards. The nature of the ground did not permit the extension of this vast force, the van division alone occupying the whole front of battle, so that to the Scots they appeared as composing one great compact column. The Scots drew up in the order which we have already described. Maurice, abbot of Inchaffrey, placing himself on an eminence in view of the whole Scottish army, celebrated high mass; then passing along the line barefooted, and bearing a crucifix in his hand, he exhorted the Scots in few and forcible words to combat for their rights and their liberty, upon which the whole army knelt down and received his benediction. When King Edward observed the small and unpre

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Pembroke, when he saw that the day was lost, seized Edward's horse by the bridle, and constrained him to leave the field. When Sir Giles d'Argentine, the brave knight of Rhodes, was informed of the king's flight, and pressed to accompany him, "It never was my wont to fly," said he, and putting spurs to his horse, he rushed into the battle and met

much interest to the general reader, and as introduc ing what may be justly called the first great epoch in the modern history of Scotland. The rise, progress, and establishment of Bruce, were intimately connected with the elevation, progression, and settled estate of his people, who as they never before had attained to a national importance so decided and unquestionable, so they never afterwards fell much short in the maintaining of it. It is not our intention, however, to record with equal minuteness the remaining events of King Robert's reign; which, as they, in a great measure, refer to the ordering and consoli. dating of the power which he had acquired, the framing of laws, and negotiating of treaties, fall much more properly within the province of the historian to discuss, than that of the biographer.

his death. It was a vulgar opinion, that the | the details of this life; both as comprising events of three greatest warriors of that age were Henry of Luxemburg emperor of Germany, Robert king of Scotland and Sir Giles d'Argentine. Sir James Douglas, with sixty horsemen, followed hard in pursuit of the English king. At the Torwood he was met by Sir Lawrence Abernethy with twenty horse hastening to the English rendezvous, but who, as soon as he understood that the Scots were victorious, joined the party of Douglas in the pursuit. Edward rode on without halting to Linlithgow; and had scarcely refreshed himself there, when the alarm that the Scots were approaching, forced him to resume his flight. Douglas and Abernethy followed so close upon his route, that many of the king's guards, who chanced to fall behind their companions, were slain. This pertinacious chase continued as far as Tranent, a distance of about forty miles from the field of battle, and was only given up when the horses could proceed no further. Edward at length reached the castle of Dunbar, where he was received by the Earl of March, and shortly afterwards conveyed by a little fishing skiff to Bamborough, in England.

The

Thirty thousand of the English are estimated to have fallen upon the field of Bannockburn. Of barons and bannerets there were slain twenty-seven, and twenty-two were taken prisoners; of knights the number killed was forty-two, while sixty were made prisoners. Barbour affirms that 200 pairs of gilt spurs were taken from the heels of slain knights. According to English historians the most distinguished among those who fell were the Earl of Gloucester, Sir Giles d'Argentine, Robert Clifford, Payen Tybelot, William le Mareschal, and Edmund de Mauley, seneschal of England. Seven hundred esquires are also reckoned among the slain. spoil of the English camp was great, and large sums must have accrued from the ransom of so many noble prisoners. If we may believe the statement of the Monk of Malmesbury, a contemporary English writer, the cost sustained by his countrymen on this occasion did not amount to less than £200,000; a sum equal in value to upwards of £3,000,000 of our present currency. The loss of the Scots is allowed on all hands to have been very inconsiderable; and the only persons of note slain were Sir William Vipont and Sir Walter Ross. The last-named was the particular friend of Edward Bruce, who, when informed of his death, passionately exclaimed, "Oh that this day's work was undone, so Ross had not died." On the day after the battle, Mowbray surrendered the castle of Stirling, according to the terms of the truce, and thenceforward entered into the service of the King of Scotland.

Such was the victory obtained by Robert at Bannockburn, than which none more important was ever fought, before or since, between the so long hostile nations of England and Scotland. It broke effectually and for ever the mastery, moral and physical, which the one had so nearly established over the other; and, while it once more confirmed the liberties of Scotland, restored that passion for independence among her people which no after reverses could subdue. "We have only," as a late historian has well observed, "to fix our eyes on the present condition of Ireland in order to feel the present reality of all that we owe to the victory at Bannockburn, and to the memory of such men as Bruce, Randolph, and Douglas."

We have hitherto thought it proper to enter with considerable, and even historical, minuteness into

1 Tytler, i. p. 320,

The Earl of Hereford, who had retreated after the battle to the castle of Bothwell, was there besieged and soon brought to surrender. For this prisoner alone, the wife, sister, and daughter of Bruce were exchanged by the English, along with Wisheart Bishop of Glasgow, and the young Earl of Mar. Edward Bruce and Douglas, leaving the English no time to recover from their disastrous defeat, almost immediately invaded the eastern marches, wasted Northumberland, and laid the bishopric of Durham under contribution. Proceeding westward, they burned Appleby and other towns, and returned home loaded with spoil. "So bereaved," says an English historian, "were the English, at this time, of their wonted intrepidity, that a hundred of that nation would have fled from two or three Scotsmen." While the fortunes of Edward were in this state of depression, Bruce made advances towards the negotiating of a peace, but this war, now so ruinous on the part of the English, was yet far from a termination. Robert, however desirous he might be to attain such an object, was incapable of granting unworthy concessions; and Edward was not yet sufficiently abased by his ill-fortune in war, or borne down by factions at home, to yield that which, in his hands, had become but a nominal possession. England was again invaded within the year; and, during the winter, the Scots continued to infest and threaten the borders with predatory incursions.

In the spring of the ensuing year, 1315, while the English king vainly endeavoured to assemble an army, the Scots again broke into England, penetrated to the bishopric of Durham, and plundered the seaport town of Hartlepool. An attempt was shortly afterwards made to gain possession of Carlisle, but it was defeated by the vigorous efforts of the inhabitants. A scheme to carry Berwick by surprise also failed. This year was remarkable for an act of the estates settling the succession to the crown; and the marriage of the king's daughter, Marjory, to Walter the Stewart of Scotland, from whom afterwards descended the royal family of the Stuarts.

The Irish of Ulster, who had long been discontented with the rule of England, now implored the assistance of the Scottish king, offering, should they be relieved, to elect Edward Bruce as their sovereign. The king closed with their proposals; and his brother, on the 25th May, 1315, landed at Carrickfergus in the north of Ireland with an army of 6000 men. He was accompanied in the expedition by the Earl of Moray, Sir Philip Mowbray, Sir John Soulis, Fergus of Ardrossan, and Ramsay of Ochterhouse. With the aid of the Irish chieftains who flocked to his standard, he committed great ravages on the possessions of the English settlers in the north, and overran great part of the country. Edward Bruce met, however, with considerable difficulties in the prosecution

of his enterprise, and had several times to send for reinforcements from Scotland, notwithstanding which he was solemnly crowned King of Ireland on the 2d May, 1316. King Robert, hearing of his difficulties, magnanimously resolved, with what succours he could afford, to go to the relief of his brother in person. Intrusting, therefore, the government of the kingdom, in his absence, to the Stewart and Douglas, he emembarked at Lochryan, in Galloway, and landed at Carrickfergus. The castle of that place was at the time besieged by the forces of Edward Bruce, and was soon brought to surrender after his junction with his brother. The united armies then entered, by forced marches, the province of Leinster, with intent to seize upon Dublin, on the fate of which the existence of the English government in Ireland depended; but the hostile spirit and intrepidity of the inhabitants of that city rendered this effort abortive. Thence they marched to Cullen, in Kilkenny, and continued their devastating progress as far as Limerick; but being there threatened with the greatly superior forces collected by the English under Roger, Lord Mortimer, and experiencing great extremities from want, they were forced to terminate the expedition by a retreat into the province of Ulster, in the spring of 1317.

The particular history of the two Bruce's campaigns in Ireland seems to have been imperfectly known, and is very obscurely treated of by most contemporary writers. Barbour, however, to whom the historians who treat of this period are so much indebted, has given the relation with much circumstantiality and apparent correctness. We cannot omit quoting one exploit, which this author has recorded in a manner at once lively and characteristical. The Scottish army, in its march into the province of Leinster, was marshalled into two divisions, one of which, the van, was commanded by Edward Bruce; while the rear was led by Robert in person, assisted by the Earl of Moray. The Earl of Ulster, on the alert to oppose their progress, had collected an army of 40,000 men, which he posted in an extensive forest through which the Scottish line of march led, proposing from this concealment, to attack the rear division of the enemy, after the van should have passed the defile. Edward, naturally impetuous and unguarded, hurried onward in his march, neglecting even the ordinary precautions of keeping up a communication with the rear body, or of reconnoitring the ground through which he passed. Robert advanced more slowly and with circumspection, at some distance in the rear, with his division, which amounted in all to no more that 5000 men. As he approached the ambushment of the enemy, small parties of archers appeared from among the thickets, who began to molest his soldiers in their march. Seeing their boldness, the king judged rightly that they must have support at no great distance, and immediately he issued strict commands to his men to march in exact order of battle, and on no pretence to quit their ranks. It happened that two of these archers discharged their arrows near to the person of Sir Colin Campbell, the king's nephew, who, neglecting the king's injunctions, rode off at full speed to avenge the insult. Robert, highly incensed, followed after him, and struck his nephew so violent a blow with his truncheon that he was nearly beaten from his horse. "Such breach of orders," said he, "might have brought us all into jeopardy. I wot well, we shall have work to do ere long." The numbers of the hostile archers increased as the Scots advanced; till, arriving at a large opening or glade of the forest, they descried the forces of the Earl of Ulster drawn up in four divisions ready to dispute

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their passage. The king's prudent foresight was justified; and, so much confidence had the soldiers in his sagacity, that, undaunted either by the sudden appearance or overwhelming numbers of the enemy, they were the first to commence the attack. After an obstinate resistance the Scots prevailed, and the ill-assorted Anglo-Irish army was, with much slaughter, driven from the field. Edward Bruce, soon after the defeat, rejoined his brother, regretting bitterly that he should have been absent on such an emergency. "It was owing to your own folly," said the king, "for you ought to have remembered that the van always should protect the rear."

King Robert, after the retreat of his brother's force upon Carrickfergus, was necessitated by his own affairs to return to Scotland. That we may have no occasion to revert to the subject afterwards, we shall state briefly in this place the catastrophe which, in the following year, closed the career of Scottish sovereignty in Ireland. For some time the gallant but rash Edward maintained a precarious authority in Ulster. In the month of October, 1318, he lay encamped at Fagher, near Dundalk, with an army amounting to about 2000 men, exclusive of the native Irish, who, though numerous, were not much to be depended on. The Anglo-Irish approached his position under the command of Lord John Bermingham. Their force was strong in cavalry, and outnumbered the Scots by nearly ten to one. Contrary to the counsel of his officers, Edward engaged with the enemy and was slain almost at the first onset; an event which was speedily followed by the total discomfiture of his army. John Maupas, by whose hand Edward fell, was found, after the battle, stretched dead over the body of the prince. Edward of England, like all kings who are weak and obstinate, could also, when he dared, be wicked. Affecting to consider the gallant enemy who now had fallen in the light of a traitor or rebellious subject, the corpse was subjected to the ignominies consequent upon the punishment of such, being quartered and exposed to view in four different quarters of the island. The head was carried over to England, and presented to Edward by Bermingham himself, who obtained the dignity of Earl of Lowth for his services.

The

During the absence of King Robert in Ireland, the English made various attempts to disturb the tranquillity of Scotland, which all happily proved abortive. The Earl of Arundel, with a numerous force, invaded the forest of Jedburgh; but falling into an ambush prepared for him by Douglas, he was defeated. Edmund de Cailand, the governor of Berwick, having made an inroad into Teviotdale, was attacked by the same victorious commander, and himself and many of his followers slain. The same fate befell Robert Neville, a knight, then resident at Berwick, who had boastingly declared that he would encounter Douglas so soon as he dared to display his banner in that neighbourhood. English also invaded Scotland with a considerable force by sea, coming to anchor off the town of Inverkeithing in the Firth of Forth. The panic caused by the unexpected appearance of this armament was great; and only 500 men under the command of the Earl of Fife, and sheriff of the county, were mustered to oppose their landing. When the English cast anchor, so much terror did they inspire, that the force drawn up against them hastily retreated. They had scarcely, however, thus committed themselves, when they were met by William Sinclair, Bishop of Dunkeld, at the head of a body of sixty horse, advancing in all haste to assist in repelling the invaders. "Whither in such haste?" said he to the disordered rout; "you deserve to have your

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gilt spurs hacked off." Putting himself then at the | head of the little troop, and seizing a spear, the bold ecclesiastic continued-"Who loves his king, or his country, turn with me!" The spirit of this challenge rallied the fugitives; the English, who had not yet completed their landing, were panic-struck in turn, and driven back to their ships with great loss. Five hundred, it is asserted, were killed upon the strand, and many drowned by the swamping of an overloaded boat. When King Robert was informed of this gallant exploit, he said, "Sinclair shall always after be my own bishop;" and long after was the prelate honourably remembered by the title of the king's bishop.

Baffled in these attempts, and under serious apprehensions for the safety of his own borders, the English king contrived, about this time, to employ in his favour the spiritual weapons of Rome; and John XXII., the then pope, issued a bull command. ing a truce for two years between the two hostile kingdoms, under pain of excommunication. Two cardinals, privately instructed to denounce the pontifical censures, should they see fit, upon Bruce and "whomsoever else," were despatched to make known these commands to the two kings. The cardinals arrived in England, and in prosecution of their errand sent two messengers, the Bishop of Corbeil and Master Aumery, into Scotland with the letters and instructions intended for the Scottish king. Robert listened to the message delivered by these nuncios with attention, and heard read the open letters from the pope; but when those sealed and addressed "Robert Bruce, governor of Scotland," were produced, he firmly declined receiving them. "Among my barons," said he, "there are many of the name of Robert Bruce, who share in the government of Scotland. These letters may possibly be addressed to one of them; but they are not addressed to me, who am king of Scotland.' The messengers attempted to apologize for this omission, by saying that "the holy church was not wont, during the dependence of a controversy, to say or do aught which might prejudice the claims of either contending party." "Since then," replied the king, "my spiritual father and my holy mother would not prejudice the cause of my adversary by bestowing on me the title of king during the dependence of the controversy, they ought not to have prejudiced my cause by withdrawing that title from me. It seems that my parents are partial to their English son, Had you," added he, with resolute but calm dignity, "presumed to present letters with such an address to any other sovereign prince, you might perhaps have been answered more harshly; but I reverence you as the messengers of the holy see." In consequence of the failure of this negotiation, the cardinals resolved to proceed with their further instructions, and proclaim the papal truce in Scotland. In an enterprise so hazardous, the Roman legates were at some loss how to proceed; but at length they fell upon a devoted monk of the name of Adam Newton, who was willing to risk himself in the service. Newton being fully charged with his commission, and intrusted with letters to some of the Scottish clergy, proceeded forthwith upon his journey. He found the Scottish king encamped with his army in a wood near Old Cambus, busily engaged in making preparations for the assault of Berwick. He was denied admission to the royal presence, but ordered, at the same time, to deliver what letters or messages he might have to the king's seneschal or clerk. These were quickly returned to him, unopened, with the brief verbal answer, "I will listen to no bulls until I am treated as King of Scotland, and have made

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myself master of Berwick." The poor monk, en. vironed, as he himself expresses it, with danger, and troubled how to preserve his papers and his own mortal life, entreated that he might have a safe-conduct to pass further into Scotland, or at least that he might return without peril to Berwick; but both requests were denied him, and he was ordered to leave the country without delay. On his road to Berwick he was encountered by four armed ruffians, who stripped him of all his papers and effects, and even of the greater part of his clothes. Thus ended this memorable transaction with the papal court, in a manner very unusual for that age; but the weakness and injustice of Edward, and the injustice and servility of Rome, were so obvious in it, that Robert, secure otherwise in the affections of his subjects, both clerical and laical, could safely deride and defy the effects of both.

While Robert, for some reason or other which has not been explained, had given over his preparations for the siege of Berwick, the treachery of one of the inhabitants, of the name of Spalding, who had been harshly treated by the governor, occurred to render the attainment of his object both easy and sure. This person wrote a letter to the Earl of March, to whom he was distantly connected by marriage, offering to betray, on a certain night, that post on the wall where he kept guard. The nobleman, not daring of himself to engage in such an enterprise, communicated the intelligence to the king. "You have done well," said Robert, "in making me your confident; for, if you had told this to either Randolph or Douglas, you would have offended the one whom you did not trust. You shall now, however, have the aid of both." By the king's directions, the Earl of March assembled his troops at a certain place, where, on an appointed day and hour, he was joined by the forces of Randolph and Douglas. Thus cautiously assembled, the army by a night march approached the town. Having reached the appointed part of the walls, near to that place still known by the name of the Cowport, they, with the assistance of Spalding, scaled the walls, and were, in a few hours, masters of the town. The castle, after a brief siege, in which the king assisted in person, was forced to surrender. Scotland, by this event, was at length wholly regained to its ancient sovereignty; and, though the town was in an after reign retaken by the English, so pertinaciously was the old right to it maintained at the union of the two kingdoms, that, as a compromise, it was legislatively allowed to belong to neither kingdom, and it still forms a distinct and independent portion of the British dominions.

The Scottish army, after the reduction of Berwick, invaded England by Northumberland; took by siege the castles of Werk and Harbolth, and that of Mitford by surprise. These events occurred in the spring of 1318. In May of the same year, the Scots penetrated into Yorkshire, burned the towns of Northallerton, Boroughbridge, Scarborough, and Skipton, and returned home loaded with spoil, and, says an English author, "driving their prisoners before them like flocks of sheep.' Bruce was at this time solemnly excommunicated by the pope's legate in England; but so little was this sentence regarded, that, in a parliament which was assembled at Scone, the whole clergy and laity of the kingdom renewed their allegiance to the king; and by a memorable mode of expression, by which, doubtless, they meant to include the pope as well as the King of England, solemnly engaged to protect the rights and liberties of Scotland against all mortals, however eminent they may be in power, authority, and dignity.

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