CHAPTER XV.

ADMINISTRATION OF SIR LIONEL SMITH AS GOVERNOR-GENERAL OF THE WINDWARD ISLANDS FROM 1833 TO 1836.

THE new Governor, Sir Lionel Smith, arrived in Carlisle Bay on the 27th of April 1833; he was saluted by his Majesty's ship 'Arachne' and the United States schooner Grampus,' and on landing was received by a guard of honour from the garrison and a salute from the ordnance. His Excellency was sworn in as Governor and Commander-in-chief of Barbados on the 30th of April. The publication of a despatch from Lord Goderich, the Secretary for the Colonies, to Sir Lionel Smith, dated the 7th of March 1833, informed the public that the time had arrived for enforcing, as far as his Majesty's prerogative extended, the combination of the different governments of Barbados, St. Vincent, Grenada and Tobago in the person of the same officer, and that Sir Lionel Smith had been selected. This system would be attended with a considerable saving to those colonies, which had hitherto maintained four separate governors, and towards whose incomes the respective Houses of Assembly had paid a certain portion. Under the new system, Sir Lionel Smith would be the only person throughout the whole range of the Windward Islands holding the rank of a Governor, and his salary would be defrayed by funds at the disposal of Parliament. In St. Vincent, Grenada and Tobago, officers would be appointed to administer the governments, who would also be remunerated by parliamentary grants. Whilst therefore the Assemblies would not be called upon to contribute any salary for the Governor or Lieutenant-Governors, these officers would be precluded by their instructions from accepting any additional emolument which the Assemblies might perhaps in some cases be disposed spontaneously to offer. The Lieutenant-Governors were directed, with a few exceptions, to correspond with the Governor-in-chief, who was to report to the Secretary for the Colonies. To the Governor-in-chief they would have to apply for instructions on all occasions. The increased authority conferred upon the Governor-in-chief would render it unnecessary to refer to Europe for instructions upon every occasion in which the local authorities might be at variance amongst themselves. Barbados, as the most important of the Windward Islands, was fixed upon as the ordinary place of the Governor's residence; from thence he was to repair to the other islands within his government at least once a year. During his absence from Barbados, or from any of the other islands comprised in his commission, the government was to be administered by the officer

specially appointed by his Majesty for that purpose, or, failing any such officer, by the President of the Council,―the Bishop of the Diocese and the Chief-Justice being however always excluded from that command. These were the principal changes which came into operation with the administration of Sir Lionel Smith,-changes at that time of the greatest importance, as they rendered the Governor entirely independent of the colonies.

Lord Goderich expected that some difficulties would arise in carrying into effect a scheme in some respects so different from that hitherto pursued: he trusted however that reflection and experience would convince those who were more immediately affected, that the measure was well adapted to promote the great objects of cheap and effective government, with a view to which it had been taken. In a long despatch dated the 19th of March, Lord Goderich alluded to the charges which had been brought against public officers in the colonies now to be placed under Sir Lionel Smith's government, which it appeared had most frequently originated in feelings of private ill-will. It had happened that the party accused, whether innocent or not, had been led to retaliate those feelings of ill-will; and under the influence of such feelings, becoming more and more aggravated in the progress of controversy, men who were blameless in the first instance had often suffered themselves to be betrayed into serious indiscretions. His Lordship indulged the hope that one of the most beneficial effects of the measure, by which Sir Lionel Smith was placed at the head of a "consolidated government," would be to put an end to the perpetual appeals to the Secretary of State on questions which thenceforth were to be referred to the decision of a functionary, whose character, rank and abilities would give all necessary weight and authority to the judgements he should pronounce, and whose position would give him the facilities requisite for immediate investigation and prompt decision.

Sir Lionel, in his address to the new Assembly on the 7th of May, observed that he had nothing particular to communicate from his Majesty, and that from time to time he would lay before the Assembly suggestions for the remedy of any defects or the accomplishment of any beneficial objects. He congratulated the House on the circumstance that his Majesty's Government had relieved the island from the burden of contributing to the Governor's salary. At the same time he observed, that this arrangement might appear to place him in an invidious position, compared with that of former Governors, who benefited largely by the imprudent generosity of the House, in furnishing the means of maintaining a considerable degree of splendour, all which must cease with him; nevertheless he rejoiced in the measure, as an earnest of the Government's anxiety to relieve the pressure of the colonists. The militia, police, and a probable improvement in the judicial system of the island,

were the other topics which his Excellency chiefly dwelt upon; and he promised to make it his study to master every subject of general interest connected with the island. "An Englishman, he would religiously respect their laws, rights and privileges, and equally maintain those of his Sovereign a soldier, if ever their peace be disturbed, he would always know his post; and above all a Christian, he would constantly invoke the aid of Almighty God, that he would bless their joint endeavours to improve the happiness of this people, without distinction of colour or condition."

These were the concluding words of the first address from a Governor, who by the decision of his Majesty's Government was rendered independent of the Colonial Legislature with regard to his salary. His speech was manly, and couched in different terms to those of his predecessors: every sentence showed that his Excellency was determined to follow the line of conduct which he had planned before entering upon his duties; and his administration, which comprised the most eventful period of colonial history, proved his energy and his upright and inflexible conduct, in spite of public clamour and agitation both from within and without.

A numerous and respectable meeting of the free coloured and free black inhabitants took place on the 6th of May, at which Mr. Samuel J. Prescod presided. Resolutions expressing their indignation at the grievances under which they suffered, and particularly at having hitherto been deprived of all places of public trust, honour and emolument, were passed and adopted. An address to the Governor was read, which was not unanimously approved of, and only adopted after a discussion. A deputation was then appointed to present the address to his Excellency, which was done on the 13th of May. I shall merely quote one paragraph of the address, which contains the spirit and purpose of the rest :—

"As far as legislative enactments could remove the unnatural and impolitic distinction between us and our white fellow-subjects, those distinctions have been removed. It, however, yet remains with the Executive to put us in the actual enjoyment of those rights, our just claim to which the Legislature could only acknowledge. Until this shall have been done, the legislative enactment, which acknowledges those claims, is but a dead letter. The distinctions are, in reality, still kept up; and are now rendered, in consequence of that enactment, more obviously invidious, and more galling to those to whose prejudice they operate."

His Excellency in reply admitted that he had received this address not with unmixed satisfaction; and though he acknowledged that the parties who presented it had much to complain of, he observed that there was a tone of impatience and reproach in their language, which might rather retard than accelerate the Governor's means of doing them justice: he added,

You are, in my opinion, not only fully entitled and qualified to be raised also to confidential civil employments, but I consider it very desirable, at this moment, that you should be appointed magistrates in particular. The energies, rectitude, and integrity to be found among you, would ensure benefits to the public in your discharge of those duties; but much as I wish to see this wise and just measure adopted, I have not the power to do it without the concur rence of his Majesty's Council. Should I fail in gaining their support for you, I will seek for these powers from home."

The Governor had before, in his speech on the opening of the Session, expressed his regret at finding the free coloured and free black inhabitants excluded from holding commissions in the militia, and had mentioned his wish to endeavour to remove this disability. In his reply on the present occasion, he observed that he was not yet sure of being able to accomplish this object, but that the subject should be brought under the consideration of the Colonial Secretary.

Having thus brought the grievances and the just claims of this class of British subjects at this early period of the dawn of a more liberal policy before the reader, I shall now dismiss all the disagreeable altercations which ensued, only observing that in the course of ten years, individual worth, talent and respectability, asserted and obtained for the coloured classes their just right to participate with their white fellow-subjects in places of trust, honour, and emolument.

The reply of the House of Assembly, as the organ of the inhabitants, to the Governor's address on opening the new Session, is measured, firm, and respectful: it seized those points in the address which fell strongly upon the members assembled on that occasion, and it gave an early indication of the struggles between the Governor and governed, which the administration of Sir Lionel Smith exhibited. Alluding to the announcement that his Excellency's salary would thenceforth be paid by the Government, the House observed,

"If the provision for your Excellency has been assumed by his Majesty's Government, with the sole view of relieving the burthens of our constituents, we shall not fail to estimate even this limited testimony of its benevolence; if, on the contrary, this measure should prove to be a political expedient, whereby to estrange the Governor and the governed, we shall be equally bound to deprecate the immoral and impolitic experiment. We regret exceedingly that your Excellency should be placed in an invidious position compared with former governors, who have derived some emolument from our public purse. We acknowledge that we have not been parsimonious in our expenditure: but of the liberality to our Commanders-in-chief, we have not often had reason to repent. If we have been imprudent,' we can only say that we meant to be generous."

With regard to the appointment of individuals of the coloured and black class to command companies of their own caste in the militia, they

observed that this was not a legislative matter. The several colonels of the militia regiments had hitherto been entrusted with the privilege of recommending and nominating their officers. They ventured however respectfully to suggest that in an unpaid military association, whose avowed object was to protect the holders of real property in the possession of their acknowledged rights, some personal or collateral interest in their preservation was surely necessary to qualify an individual for command, and that a stake in the country and character in society were indispensably requisite. When these pretensions were united in any one, the representatives expressed their conviction that the shades of complexion would be forgotten.

The Governor took an early opportunity of announcing that he was desirous to dispense, upon all public occasions, with the assembly of any branch of the militia force, or of any regular troops, for purposes of parade or display. He considered this practice unnecessary, and extremely harassing to those who were obliged to attend on such occasions.

The inhabitants of the parish of St. Michael petitioned the Legislature in November 1833, that the numbers of representatives in the Assembly for that parish should be increased. It was proved that St. Michael's possessed at that period four hundred and forty-six votes, while all the other parishes together had only five hundred and seventy, which appeared to the petitioners a sufficient cause for an extension of representation. The fourth act in Hall's edition of the laws of Barbados does not restrict the number of representatives, and wisely provides, that with an increase of population there should be a commensurate representation: it enacts that the representatives of each parish should not be less than two. The prayer of the petition was refused at that period, and its object was only accomplished when the new franchise act came into operation in June 1840. Having now arrived at a period when slavery was for ever banished from the British dominions, and nearly eight hundred thousand beings were released from bondage, a few words on the most striking incidents in the history of the abolition will perhaps prove acceptable to many. Among the numerous benevolent individuals who so early as the middle of the seventeenth century raised their voices against the iniquity of the slave-trade, was George Fox, the founder of the Society of Quakers or Friends. Their efforts became more decided, when Mr. Granville Sharp with infinite difficulty had established the right of slaves to their freedom on coming to England. Lord Mansfield declared on the 22nd of June 1772, in the name of the whole bench,-" that slavery could not exist upon the soil of England." Public attention was thenceforward strongly attracted to this question, and great and laudable efforts were made to procure the abolition of the slave-trade. In the year 1776 David Hartley moved in the House of Commons, "that the slave-trade was contrary to the laws of God and the right of men." His motion