If they were to guard against an invasion from France, the merits of this plan of a merely defensive resistance might be supported by plausible topicks; but as the attack does not operate against these countries externally, but by an internal corruption (a sort of dry rot); they, who pursue this merely defensive plan, against a danger which the plan itself supposes to be serious, cannot possibly escape it. For it is in the nature of all defensive measures to be sharp and vigorous under the impressions of the first alarm, and to relax by degrees; until at length the danger, by not operating instantly, comes to appear as a false alarm; so much so that the next menacing appearance will lock less formidable, and will be less provided against. But to those who are on the offensive it is not necessary to be always alert. Possibly it is more their interest not to be so. For their unforeseen attacks contribute to their success.

party how

In the mean time a system of French conspiracy The French is gaining ground in every country. This system composed. happening to be founded on principles the most delusive indeed, but the most flattering to the natural propensities of the unthinking multitude, and to the speculations of all those who think, without thinking very profoundly, must daily extend its influence. A predominant inclination towards it appears in all those who have no religion, when otherwise their disposition leads them

to

Condorcet.

to be advocates even for despotism. Hence Hume, though I cannot say that he does not throw out some expressions of disapprobation on the proceedings of the levellers in the reign of Richard the Second, yet affirms that the doctrines of John Ball were "conformable to the ideas of primitive "equality, which are engraven in the hearts of all "" men."

Boldness formerly was not the character of Atheists as such. They were even of a character nearly the reverse: they were formerly like the old Epicureans, rather an unenterprising race. But of late they are grown active, designing, turbulent, and seditious. They are sworn enemies to kings, nobility, and priesthood. We have seen all the academicians at Paris, with Condorcet, the friend and correspondent of Priestley, at their head, the most furious of the extravagant republicans.

The late assembly, after the last captivity of the king, had actually chosen this Condorcet by a majority in the ballot, for preceptor to the dauphin, who was to be taken out of the hands and direction of his parents, and to be delivered over to this fanatick atheist, and furious democratick republican. His untractability to these leaders, and his figure in the club of jacobins, which at that time they wished to bring under, alone prevented that part of the arrangement, and others in the

same

same style, from being carried into execution.
Whilst he was candidate for this office he pro-
duced his title to it by promulgating the following
ideas of the title of his royal pupil to the crown.
In a paper written by him, and published with his
name, against the re-establishment, even of the
appearance of monarchy under any qualifications,
he says: "Jusqu'à ce moment ils [l'Assemblée Na-
tionale] n'ont rien préjugé encore.
En se reser-

the French.

"vant de nommer un gouverneur au dauphin, ils "n'ont pas prononcé que cet enfant dût regner; Doctrine of "mais seulement qu'il étoit possible que la constitu"tion l'y destinât; ils ont voulu que l'éducation,

66

effaçant tout ce que les prestiges du Trône ont pu "lui inspirer de préjugés sur les droits prétendus "de sa naissance, qu'elle lui sit connoître de bonne heure, et l'Egalité naturelle des hommes, et la "Souveraineté du peuple; qu'elle lui apprit à ne pas oublier que c'est du peuple qu'il tiendra le "tître de roi, et que le peuple n'a pas même le droit "de renoncer à celui de l'en depouiller.

"Ils ont voulu que cette éducation le rendit

également digne, par ses lumières, et ses vertus, "de recevoir avec resignation, le fardeau dange

reux d'une couronne, ou de la déposer avec joie "entre le mains de ses frères, qu'il sentit que le

devoir, et la gloire du roi d'un peuple libre, est

“de hâter le moment de n'être plus qu'un citoyen "ordinaire.

"Ils

"Ils ont voulu que l'inutilité d'un roi, la nécessité "de chercher les moyens de remplacer un pouvoir

fondé sur les illusions, fut une des premières véri“tés offertes à sa raison; l'obligation d'y concourir “lui même un des premières devoirs de sa morale; "et le desir, de n'être plus affranchi du joug de la "loi, par une injurieuse inviolabilité, le premier "sentiment de son cœur. Ils n'ignorent pas que "dans ce moment il s'agit bien moins de former un roi que de lui apprendre à savoir, à vouloir "ne plus l'étre."*

Such

* Until now, they (the National Assembly) have prejudged nothing. Reserving to themselves a right to appoint a preceptor to the dauphin, they did not declare that this child was to reign; but only that possibly the constitution might destine him to it: they willed that while education should efface from his mind all the prejudices arising from the delusions of the throne respecting his pretended birth-right, it should also teach him not to forget, that it is from the people he is to receive the title of king, and that the people do not even possess the right of giving up their power to take it from him.

They willed that this education should render him worthy by his knowledge, and by his virtues, both to receive with submission the dangerous burden of a crown, and to resign it with pleasure into the hands of his brethren: that he should be conscious that the hastening of that moment when he is to be only a common citizen constitutes the duty and the glory of a king of a free people.

They willed that the uselessness of a king, the necessity of seeking means to establish something in lieu of a power founded on illusions, should be one of the first truths offered to his reason;

the

Such are the sentiments of the man who has occasionally filled the chair of the National Assembly, who is their perpetual secretary, their only standing officer, and the most important by far. He leads them to peace or war. He is the great theme of the republican faction in England.

These ideas of M. Condorcet, are the principles of those to whom kings are to entrust their successors, and the interests of their succession. This man would be ready to plunge the poniard in the heart of his pupil, or to whet the axe for his neck. Of all men, the most dangerous is a warm, hot-headed, zealous atheist. This sort of man aims at dominion, and his means are, the words he always has in his mouth, "L'égalité naturelle des hommes, et "la souveraineté du peuple."

All former attempts, grounded on these rights of men, had proved unfortunate. The success of this last makes a mighty difference in the effect of the doctrine. Here is a principle of a nature, to the multitude, the most seductive, always existing before their eyes, as a thing feasible in practice. After so many failures, such an enterprise, previous

the obligation of conforming himself to this, the first of his moral duties; and the desire of no longer being freed from the yoke of the law, by an injurious inviolability, the first and chief sentiment of his heart. They are not ignorant that in the present moment the object is less to form a king than to teach him that he should know how to wish no longer to be such.

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