From Lowes Magazine. Some time after, about 1637,* he returned to England. He appeared to be much reformed from his extravagances, and, with his father's approbation and direction, married a lady of a good family. He was likewise, through his father's interest with Algernon Percy, Earl of Northumberland, then Lord High Admiral of England, joined with Sir William Russell in the office of Treasurer of the Navy, a place of great trust and profit. SIR HENRY VANE the younger was born no sooner landed in New England, than his about the year 1612. He was the eldest abilities, and probably his rank, attracted son of Sir Henry Vane of Hadlow, in the notice, so that, when the next election of county of Kent, Knight, Comptroller of magistrates came on, he was chosen goverthe Household and Secretary of State to nor. But his unquiet and working fancy King Charles the First. Vane received raised so many scruples of conscience, the first part of his education at Westmin- which they had never heard of before, and ster School, where, says Anthony Wood,† produced such dissensions, that the sober. he was bred with Sir Arthur Haselrig, part, observing his conduct, concerted such Thomas Scot, the regicide, and other noto-measures among themselves, as put an end rious anti-monarchists. According to the to his government at the next election. same authority, about the sixteenth year of his age, he became a gentleman commoner of Magdalen Hall in Oxford; but when he should have been matriculated as a member of the University, and taken the oaths of allegiance and supremacy, he quitted his gown, put on a cloak, and studied notwithstanding for some time in that hall. He then spent some time in France, and more in Geneva, where he contracted a deep aversion towards the Government and Liturgy of the Church of England. On his return home, his father, being comptroller of the household and a privy councillor, was greatly displeased on discovering the hetetodox state of his son's opinions. The case being represented to the King, Charles prescribed for young Vane a course of discipline under Laud, then Bishop of London. The effect of Laud's discipline was to complete what Geneva had begun, and to confirm the mind of the intended proselyte in a thorough and ineradicable disgust for Prelacy. In 1635, for conscience sake, he went with some Non-conformists to the infant colony of New England. He had abstained two years from taking the sacrament in England, because he could get nobody to administer it to him to his mind. He was Ludlow describes Vane's family as being of Durham, but the author of "Regicides no Saints" says it had no connexion with the north till Sir Henry Vane, the father of the subject of this Memoir, got Raby under a grant of King Charles I. They derive themselves from Howellap Vane, of Monmouthshire, one of whose descendants altered his name from Vane to Fane. He had four sonsHenry Richard, ancestor of the Earl of Westmoreland. Thomas, and John, ancestor of Sir Henry Vane. Henry, the father of the subject of this article, returned to the ancient spelling of his name, writing himself Henry Vane.-Biog. Brit. Art. Vane, Note. + Áth. Oxon, Art. Vane. + Strafford's Letters and Dispatches, vol. i., p. 463. About this time Vane conceived a disgust with the measures of the King and Court, which his enemies made no scruple of ascribing to resentment, on account of some slights and injuries received by his father and himself at the hands of Sir Thomas Wentworth, afterwards the unhappy Earl of Strafford. The history of the times, and the character of the man, may sufficiently explain the conduct he pursued without so poor an imputation. At all events, in joining the Puritan and Constitutional party, he allied himself with the best spirits of the age; and such was now the opinion beginning to be entertained of his abilities and statesman-like qualities, that the borough of Kingston-upon-Hull chose him, without the least application on his part,† one of their representatives in the Parliament which met at Westminster, April 13th, 1640, and again in the Long Parliament, which began the 3d of November in the same year. And in this station, says Ludlow, "he soon made appear how capable he was of managing great affairs, possessing, in the highest perfection, a quick and ready apprehension, a strong and tenacious memory, a profound and penetrating judgment, a just and noble eloquence, with an easy and graceful manner of speak *Strafford's Letters and Dispatches, vol. ii,, p. 116. + Ludlow, vol. iii., p. 110. * ing. To these were added a singular zeal | a perfect enthusiast, and, without doubt, and affection for the good of the Common- did believe himself inspired, which so far wealth, and a resolution and courage not to corrupted his reason and understanding be shaken or diverted from the public ser- (which in all matters without the verge of vice." Bishop Burnet, however, repre- religion was superior to that of most men), sents him as naturally a very fearful man, that he did at some time believe he was the whose head was as darkened in his notions person deputed to reign over the saints upon of religion as his mind was clouded with earth for a thousand years. fear. But this imputation of Burnet is in opposition, not only to the testimony of Ludlow, but to the whole of Vane's public conduct recorded in history.† During the Earl of Strafford's trial, Secretary Vane being out of town, sent a letter to his son, together with the keys of his study, desiring him to look in his cabinet for some papers he wanted, and send them to him. Young Vane, in looking over many papers to find those his father wanted, lighted upon some notes which appeared of great importance. He showed them to Pym, who advised him to make use of them in the evidence against Strafford a line of conduct questionable, to say the least of it. Another act of his life is less questionable. Having been appointed sole Treasurer of the Navy, and considering the fees which, by reason of the war, amounted to little less than L. 30,000 a year, as too much for a private subject, he gave up his patent which he had for life from Charles I. to the Parliament, desiring only that L.2000 a year should go to an agent he had bred up to the business, and the remainder be applied to the purposes of the State This was done, and the usage of a fixed salary has continued ever since in that office. When the Independents sprang up, Vane declared himself one of their leaders. It is said that, even at the time he distinguished himself as the great contriver and promoter of the Solemn League and Covenant, he had a great aversion to Presbyterianism. Of Vane's religious characteristics, Lord Clarendon gives a lively and highly-colored description, when he says, "Vane was a man not to be described by any character of religion, in which he had swallowed some of the fancies and extravagances of every sect or faction, and was become (which cannot be expressed by any other language than was peculiar to that time) a man above ordinances, unlimited or unrestrained by any rules or bounds prescribed to other men, by reason of his perfection. He was Anthony Wood-also not a very competent judge in such matters, any more than his Lordship-uses, as might be expected, still harsher terms. "In sum he was the Proteus of the times, a mere hotch-potch of religion, chief ring-leader of all the frantic sectarians,-of a turbulent spirit and working brain-of a strong composition of choler and melancholy, an inventor, not only of whimseys in religion, but also of crotchets in the State (as his several models testify), and composed only of treason, ingratitude, and baseness."+ These descriptions, translated into the language of real religion, from that of caricature and contempt, present to us a man of many whims, perhaps, but of a deeptoned and high-souled devotedness to things unseen, such as alone, in that era, could command the spiritual mind. But, alas for human frailty! Even enthusiasm in religion is apt to suit itself with devices of worldly wisdom. In the Treaty of the Isle of Wight in 1648, having now determined to procure, if possible, a change in the Government, Vane used all his efforts to retard any conclusion with the King, till the army could be brought up to London; and for that purpose amused the King's party by the offer of a toleration for the common prayer and the Episcopal clergy. In June, 1647, he was one of the commissioners sent to the army, to acquaint them with what the Parliament had done, in accordance with their wishes, and to persuade them to a compliance with the Parliament. He did not approve of the force put upon the Parliament by the army, nor of the King's execution, withdrawing for some time from the scene while these things were acted. Upon the establishment of the Commonwealth in February, 1648-9, he was appointed one of the Council of State, and, in 1652, he was for a time president of the same council, being then also one of the commissioners of the navy. On the 9th of January, 1649-50, he made the report to the House of Commons, from the committee Westminster as did the bullets in any of appointed to consider of the manner of his own hard-fought fields. electing future Parliaments.* Towards Vane seems to have imagined that he the end of the year 1651, he was nominated could successfully oppose Cromwell by the one of the commissioners that were to be use of his own weapon. He went about sent into Scotland in order to introduce the among the Anabaptists and Fifth-monarchy English government there, and effect a men preaching and praying. But Sir union between the two kingdoms. What Henry forgot one thing: Oliver preached service he rendered there, we need not now and prayed, indeed, but he also fought. inquire. The religion of Scotland was then Vane, however, had more prudence than to a problem as insoluble to the Republicans have recourse to the sword. He tried what as to the Royalists of England, and with the pen would do. In 1656, being sumall his dexterity Vane succeeded neither in moned before the Council, he was charged harmonizing the two parties of the Resolu- by the Protector with disaffection to the tioners and Protesters in the Kirk, nor in government, which he had displayed in a making them neutralize one another. late book, published by him, with a sediBut while Sir Henry Vane was doing no- tious intention, entitled "A Healing table things, as Lord Clarendon says, in Question propounded and resolved." Sir Scotland, in cozening and deceiving this or Henry did not disown his dissatisfaction that set of men, there was another employ- with the present state of affairs. He aced in doing certain things still more notable knowledged the writing of the book, and in London, laying plans and plots still more also the publishing, though in terms suffideep, and not only "cozening and deceiv-ciently dark and mysterious, as his manner ing" men and nations of men, but thrash- was. Whereupon Cromwell ordered him ing them too. The name of this latter to give security by a certain day not to disnotable individual was Oliver Cromwell. The leaders of the early period of the Long Parliament, Hampden and Pym, were dead. Their most formidable opponents, Laud and Strafford, had also vanished from the scene. There remained no one perhaps, who, in merely civil and parliamentary abilities, could cope with Vane, at once subtle, sagacious, and eloquent. "Vane, young in years, but in sage counsel, old." So says John Milton, one who knew the man. But Milton, who also knew "Cromwell, our chief of men," as he calls him, ought to have known better than to suppose that there ever was a time when แ gowns, not arms, repelled the fierce Epirote and the African bold." People who admire fine speakers may regret that Henry Vane did not rule England instead of Oliver Cromwell. But that was a time in which work was to be done which neither fine gentlemen nor fine speakers, nor even mere fine reasoners, could do. For in truth, at such times, your fine reasoners are apt to be found too fine; and Oliver's somewhat rude but unquestionably pious exclamation, "The Lord deliver me from Sir Henry Vane!" is somewhat palliated, when we think of the victor of Naseby and Dunbar thwarted by hair-splitting distinctions, captious objections, and interminable crotchets, made to fly as thick in the halls of * Biog. Brit., Parl. Hist., Wood, Ash, &c. turb the peace of the nation, or to stand committed. The time being expired, he appeared again before the Council, and delivered into Cromwell's own hand another paper, containing the reasons of his disapproving the present usurpation, and a friendly advice to him to return to his duty, with some justification of his own conduct with regard to the public. But, notwithstanding all this, and various reasons alleged by him by way of excusing himself from giving the demanded security (one of which was the summons sent him to appear in Parliament), he was sent prisoner to Carisbrook Castle, in the Isle of Wight.* Being released thence, December 31, 1656, he repaired to London, where he met with another kind of persecution, in an attempt to challenge his title to his estates, while he was, at the same time, privately informed that he should be freed from this or any other inquisition, and have whatever else he could desire in case he would comply with the present authority. But Vane remained inflexible, and continued to oppose the Protector. Great endeavors were used to keep Vane out of Richard's Parliament in 1659. The returning officers at Hull and Bristol were directed not to return him, though he is said to have had the majority of votes. He * Wood. Ath. Ox., Biog. Brit. + Biog. Brit. Ludlow, vol. ii., p. 594. About this time he proposed a new model of Government, the substance of which was: (1.) That the supreme power, delegated by the people to their trustees, ought to be in some fundamentals not dispensed with. (2.) That it is destructive to the was at last chosen for Whitchurch in Hamp-mittee of Safety, the 9th of May; and the shire, through the interest of Robert Wal- 13th of the same month, one of the Counlop, Esq In Parliament, he and other re- cil of State.* On the 26th he was appublicans labored to overturn the estab-pointed the first of the seven Commissionlishment of a Protector and two Houses of ers for managing the affairs of the Admiralty, Parliament, and to introduce a Common- and in September President of the Council. wealth. As might be expected, considering respectively their abilities and those of the new Protector, they soon lessened Richard's power, and gained an ascendant over his party, to which a speech of Vane's is said to have not a little contributed. It is curious to observe the license in which Vane people's liberties (to which, by God's blessindulges in speaking of a man who was ing, they are fully restored) to admit any then substantially and de facto king of earthly king or single person to the legislaEngland. Of this license the following tive or executive power over this nation. passage will serve as a specimen. After (3.) The supreme power delegated is not alluding to Richard as an idiot without intrusted to the people's trustees, to erect courage, without sense, nay, without ambi- matters of faith and worship, so as to exertion," he thus proceeds, "One could bear cise compulsion therein. † a little with Oliver Cromwell, though, con- There was a short period during which trary to his oath of fidelity to the Parlia-Vane possessed a large portion of the sument-contrary to his duty to the public-preme authority or sovereignty. This was contrary to the respect he owed to that when the officers of the army, who held venerable body from whom he received his their meetings at Wallingford-house, chose authority, he usurped the government. His the Committee of Safety, with powers to merit was so extraordinary, that our judg-call delinquents to trial; to suppress rebelments, our passions might be blinded by it. lions; to treat with foreign states, &c. It He made his way to the empire by the most is evident that whoever had the chief sway illustrious actions; he had under his com- in this Committee, exercised for the time mand an army that had made him a con- being the sovereignty. Now of this Comqueror, and a people that had made him mittee, the Chief were Lambert and Vane.‡ their general. But as for Richard Crom- Consequently, at this time, Vane may be well his son, who is he? What are his ti- considered as possessing more power than tles? We have seen that he had a sword at any other, although it is pretty evident, by his side, but did he ever draw it? And, that if any struggle should have occurred what is of more importance in this case, is between Vane and Lambert for the sole exhe fit to get obedience from a mighty na-ercise of that power which they may then tion, who could never make a footman obey him? Yet we must recognise this man as our king, under the style of Protector! a man without birth, without courage, without conduct. For my part, I declare, Sir, it shall never be said that I made such a man my master."* After Richard's abdication, the Long Parliament that had been restored by a general council of the officers of the army, constituted Sir Henry Vane one of the Com * There might be some excuse for Vane's railing against Richard Cromwell; but we see no reason why men of the present day should call him a "foolish Ishbosheth," because, feeling himself endowed only with the virtues of private life, he had the honesty and good sense to retire to a private station. Mrs. Hutchinson has well drawn his character in a few words: "He was a meek, temperate, and quiet man, but had not a spirit fit to succeed his father, or to manage such a perplexed government."-Vol. ii., p. 218, 8vo. edit. * Whitelock, pp. 677, 678. + An anecdote mentioned by Ludlow, and belonging to this period, shows the sincerity and earnestness of Vane's zeal for the Commonwealth. "Co lonel Cromwell perceiving it to be to no purpose to stay longer in Ireland, departed for London, and being arrived, acquainted me with the time that he me that I would be present; but I could not, for the designed to attend the Council of State, and desired house of Hampton Court having been ordered to be sold that day, which place I thought very convenient for the retirement of those that were employed in public affairs when they should be indisposed in the summer season, I resolved to endeavor to prevent the sale of it, and accordingly procured a motion, to be made at the sitting down of the house to that end, which took effect as I desired. For this I was very much blamed by my good friend Sir Henry Vane, as a thing that was contrary to the interest of a common wealth; he said that such places might justly be accounted amongst those things that proved temptations to ambitious men, and exceedingly tend to sharpen their appetite to ascend the throne."-Ludlow, p. 258. + See Hobbes's Behemoth, p. 327. 1 be considered as sharing between them, Vane would have had scarcely a shadow of chance against Lambert, to whom (as was said) Cromwell had promised the succession, who was a great favorite with the army, the greatest after Cromwell, and who, moreover, had just obtained a victory in Cheshire, and had got the consent of his soldiers to a petition to the House, that a General might be set up in the army, conformably to an axiom, ascribed by Hobbes* to Sir Henry Vane, that it was unfit that the army should be judged by any power extrinsic to itself. pardon and oblivion for, and in respect only of, such pains, penalties, and forfeitures, not extending to life, as should be thought fit to be inflicted on him. In July he was committed to the Tower. In January, 1660-1, an insurrection of the Fifth-monarchy men broke out. Sir Henry Vane, almost the only person of talent and station who had countenanced them, and written in favor of their principles (for the mass appear to have been weak enthusiasts), being looked upon by the court with a jealous eye, was removed from one prison to another, and at last to But while they were talking and writing the isle of Scilly. The Lords and Comwith the utmost confidence about the mons had, in August, 1660, joined in a pe"Ready and easy way to establish a Free tition to the King that "if he were attaintCommonwealth," Monk stept in with the ed, yet execution as to his life might be old Monarchy in his hand; and the hopes remitted," to which his majesty returned of Lambert, and the visions of Vane, and a favorable answer. But in July, 1661, the the aspirations of Ludlow, shared the same Commons had so far altered their sentiments fate, and the reign of the strong saints who as to order that he should be proceeded were to destroy and pull down Babylon, against according to law, and for that purand bind kings in chains, and nobles in fet-pose he was sent for back to the Tower of ters of iron," was, for the present at least, at an end upon earth. Vane, like Ludlow and other staunch republicans, was disgusted and indignant at the proceedings of Monk. When fresh forces were raised, Vane was nominated commander of a regiment of foot. This was the only military employment he ever had; indeed, it could scarcely be termed an employment, since, as he himself states at his trial, he only lent his name, since he neither courted nor desired military employment, for which, he remarks, neither his inclination nor his habits had fitted him. Yet this appointment was made one of the chief articles in the indictment upon his trial. Upon the King's restoration, being conscious to himself of having done nothing in relation to public affairs for which he could not willingly and cheerfully suffer, he came up and continued at his house in Hampstead near London. But on the 11th June, 1660, the House of Commons resolved that he should be one of the twenty persons to be excepted out of the act of general *Hobbes's Behemoth, p. 326. + The following trait, mentioned by Ludlow, is curious. "And that nothing might be wanting to complete this scene, Monk's wife took especial care to treat the wives of the members that came to visit her, running herself to fetch the sweetmeats, and filling out wine for them, not forgetting to talk mightily of self-denial, and how much it was upon her husband's heart that the Government might be settled in the way of a Commonwealth."--p. 313, fol. 1751. London. * On Monday the 2d of June, 1662, Sir Henry Vane was arraigned, having been indicted of high treason, before the Middlesex Grand Jury the preceding term. The indictment was for high treason, evidenced by consulting with others, to bring the King to destruction, and to hold him out from the exercise of his regal authority; and then usurping the Government, and appointing officers of the army raised against the King; as also assembling in a warlike manner." It is clear that this indictment was applicable to almost every person concerned in the Government from the death of the late King, whose death is not laid to Sir Henry's charge, though it was the only crime which his Majesty declared that he desired should be capitally punished. The indictment being read, the prisoner moved several exceptions to it, and he pressed much for counsel to be allowed him, which was denied him till he should plead guilty or not guilty. Being urged he pleaded not guilty, the court having assured him beforehand, that after pleading, counsel should be assigned him, which solemn assurance it was not ashamed to violate.† On Friday, the 6th of June, the Sheriff returned forty-eight freeholders of the county of Middlesex, thirty-two of whom *Tryal of Sir Henry Vane, Kt., 1662, p. 19. State Trials, vol. vi., fol. 142. † Ibid., 1662, p. 21 et seq. Ibid., 143. |
