had been asked by Sif Thomas Beevor he thought that the measure first proposed was injudicious, in his opinion, he thought that it might be better to adopt it out of compliment to the six hundred requisitionists who had called the meeting, and to the expressed opinion of Mr. Coke, whose advice, had it been formerly taken, would have saved the country much distress, and for whose services they ought all of them to feel highly indebted (Applause.) He therefore hoped that both Mr. WodeHouse and Sir Thomas Beevor would consent to withdraw their amendments, so that the original resolutions might be agreed to without opposition.

to second his resolutions, he had declined doing so because he was not an agriculturist; and if he had not been challenged to defend the principles of free trade by Col. Harvey, he should only have been present at the meeting as a spectator, without taking any part in it. If, however, the amendment of Mr. Wodehouse should be negatived, he would advise those who constituted the meeting to proclaim for themselves those principles of Parliamentary Reform, without which the vessel of the state could not rightly be navigated. (Applause).

Archdeacon Bathurst said, that he Mr. WODEHOUSE said, that when he agreed with those gentlemen who had had first introduced his resolutions, he spoken in opposition to the original had done so merely for the purpose of motion. The speech and the resolutions recording his sentiments; but as he which had been given to the meeting by found that many of the gentlemen preMr. Wodehouse did both his head and sent appeared to agree with him in opihis heart credit; and with Sir Thomas nion, he should certainly take the sense Beevor he agreed in one point, that they of the meeting upon them as an amendought to go to the root of the evil. (Ap-ment.

plause.) He must confess, therefore, Mr. CULLEY said, that being one of that if the meeting was determined to the requisitionists who had called the come to a division on the subject, he meeting, he could hot have the object should prefer the amendment of Mr. of his colleagues so attacked without Wodehouse. But before there was any saying a few words in their defence and division, he begged leave to say a few his own. He had now been a farmer words. He disagreed entirely in the for about forty years, and was therefore opinion expressed by Mr. Bulwer, that pretty well acquainted with the habits in the case of a large county they ought of the labourers; formerly when they not to interfere with advice to the Par- came to work, they would always bring liament or the Government as to what their allowance of beer with them, but line of conduct they should pursue to now they were only able to bring a remedy a general evil. (Hear, hear, bottle of water, (cries of shame), and hear.) He thought that every county what is the reason of this? Why the had a right to take into consideration tax upon malt; if that were removed, the general measures adopted by the the labourer would be enabled for a shilGovernment, on the same principle ling to buy enough malt to procure him that every man was bound to show that a pot of beer every day for a week, he sympathised with the distress of the (hear,) besides having yeast enough to country, and felt for the unfortunate make a good loaf of bread. (Hear, hear.) condition of the poor. (Applause.) This On his own part he looked to see all ought to be the universal feeling of the taxes cut down, and the poor man not gentry and clergy throughout the king- for ever made a slave of. It almost dom. (Applause.) They ought to an-made him sick to contemplate the scene nounce that they were willing to sub-as it now presented itself; and yet no mit to measures afflicting to themselves one could wonder at it. The reason for the general relief of the community, why the requisitionists only meddle with After having stated this much, he did the malt tax was, because they knew hot see any objection to coming to a that a thing could not be done all at resolution at variance with the original once, but must begin with a part. If a proposed; but, at the same time, though man had to plough a field, he never exi

The HIGH SHERIFF declared the

Sir THOMAS BEEVOR protested against this course. He ought to have been permitted to propose his amendnient.

pected to be able to do it all at one amendment and for the original resolu stroke; no, he did it furrow after fur- tion, without putting any negative to row, till the whole land was ploughed either. up. So, when they got that tax off, The original resolutions of Mr. Bulwer they would see (A voice in the crowd, were carried by a majority of about› "Radical Reform "): aye, radical re-three to one. form, and everything they could wish for. (Laughter and applause.) What he original resolutions to be carried. wanted to see was everything taken out of the way that could oppress the country. But Mr. Palmer wanted to do everything at once: now he never knew anybody that was able to succeed at that (A voice in the crowd, "The world was not made in a day'). No, certainly not! That was a very wise observation, and the only way to get rid of taxation was by removing it piece-meal. (Applause) How did the hewers do plained very much of the conduct of with the oak? He had seen some hundreds of trees felled, but never met with a Mr. Palmer who could tear one up by the roots, and lay it right down prostrate on the ground. (Laughter.)

Mr. Coke then moved a vote of thanks to the High Sheriff, which was carried by acclamation, and the HighSheriff then dissolved the meeting.

After a considerable number of the meeting had withdrawn, Sir T. BEEVOR addressed those that remained. He com

the High Sheriff, and said, that instead of a vote of thanks, there ought to have been a vote of censure passed upon him. There was one point, however, which he begged them to observe, which was, The resolutions and amendment were that though the requisitionists had carthen again read seriatim to the meet- ried their resolutions, they had carried ing. no petition, and therefore any petition Mr. LEAMON said, that no one could that was presented to Parliament in the find fault with the amendment of Mr. name of that meeting, would be a forWodehouse (hear, hear!), for that there was a very general distress throughout the country, no one could deny; but he had had frequent opportunities of wit nessing the result of such petitions, and that result was, that when there was no specific complaint in the petition, it gave "That this meeting is of opinion the Minister an opportunity of saying that the state of distress under which "Poor souls, how we pity them!" and all the productive interests of the counthere they stopped. (Applause.) But by praying for the repeal of some specific tax, they afforded no opportunity for such an answer. (Hear, hear.)

The HIGH SHERIFF was then proceed ing to put the question, when

gery. They were no longer, legally speaking, a meeting, and therefore he could not propose any motion; but, with permission, he would read to them the resolutions and petition which he had drawn up. They were as follow:

try; whether agricultural, manufacturing, or commercial, have long been, and still are; suffering; and this, at a period when we have been at peace with all the world, is mainly owing to the pressure of an overwhelming burden of taxation, occasioned by an enor mous public debt; a large standing army, and other unnecessarily expensive public establishments of every kind, in conjunction with an entensive change in the quantity, and consequently in the value, of the circulating medium of the The meeting during this period was country, whereby these burdens have, in considerable uproar, and the High in effect, been doubled; and that this Sheriff reduced the question simply to change has been wrought, this debt. a show of hands for Mr. Wodehouse's has been incurred, and is still kept up,

Sir THOMAS BEEVOR requested it to be understood, that if Mr. Wodehouse's amendment was lost, he had one to propose subsequently, and he therefore requested that Mr. Wodehouse's amendment might be disposed of first, without putting the original motion.

by a House of Commons, with the elec- tity, and consequently in the value of

VOL. 69.-No. 15.]

LONDON, SATURDAY, APRIL 10TH, 1830.

[Price 7d.

tions on which, and on which alone, I am willing to undertake the labour and to incur the pecuniary loss, that must of necessity be the consequence of my becoming a member of Parliament, and doing my duty well and truly in that capacity.

These conditions are, that ten thousand pounds shall be subscribed, and put into my hands, I, pledging myself, first to purchase the qualification with it, and then to get the seat. Six thousand will be demanded for the purchase of freehold or other land; and the other four to secure the seat. "What! give

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you an estate of six thousand pounds "worth? For what reasons? On what "grounds do you propose it?"

First of all, it is not I who am the proposer of any thing relating to the

Crowland, in the Fens of Lincolnshire, 5th April, 1830. Pray read this paper three times over. It contains matter deeply interesting to me, and I hope you will think it equally interesting to you. It settles several great points; and must and will be remembered. I shall republish it in a pamphlet in a few days. You will see the great importance of it; and if any gentle-matter. Friends, I mean friends on man should wish to have it to circulate, it will be sold on the following terms: 2d. for one copy; ls. 6d. for twelve copies; 5s. for fifty cupies; and 8s. 4d. for 100 copies. Gentlemen may have parcels sent to the country, if they apply by letter, postage paid, to Mr. JOHN AKERMAN, No. 183, Fleet Street, London. You will see that there are many reasons why it should be widely circulated; why, indeed, it ought to be, if possible, in the hands of every man and woman in England and Scotland.

WM. CORBETT.

MR. COBBETT'S ADDRESS

TO THE

public grounds, have, from the first, been the proposers. I have, indeed, wished to be in Parliament; I have had this wish for more than twenty years; I have the wish still; this wish is ardent; but I am by no means the proposer; nor am I to be the gainer by any good effects that I may be able to produce; at most, not more the gainer than any other tax-paying individual in the kingdom; while I must, in all probability, be a pecuniary loser, unless a sum, such as I have named, be given me beforehand.

For, observe, I stand pledged never to pocket a farthing of the public money, in any shape, or under any pretence or any colour whatsoever. It might be

Tax-payers of England and Scotland, come my duty to my country to fill

ON THE SUBJECT OF THE SEAT IN PARLIAMENT. HAVING had time duly to reflect on this matter, and to state to Sir THOMAS BEEVOR my views and intentions relative to it, I will now, once for all, communicate to the public not only those views and intentions, but the decided ground on which the matter must stand; or, in other words, the express condi

some office of state; but then, I would do as General WASHINGTON did, when he became President; that is, take the salary, and pay back to the public all that was not required to defray expenses arising solely from the possession of my office. If, for instance, my expenses be yearly, £1,000 a year now; and if £500 more were required in consequence of my being First Lord of the Treasury; I would keep the £500; and if the

Q

salary were £10,000, pay the £9,500 back into the Treasury. I do not say, that every man ought to do this. I have been, and am, peculiarly situated: to have great fame has always been my most anxious desire; and to have that and have heaps of money too, God and nature have said shall never be. I have got the first nothing can take that from me, nor from the memory of me; and, as to the last, I have never coveted only just enough to keep above the ordinary chances of penury a most virtuous wife and children.

family, who have already suffered so much on account of my endeavours to save and to serve it.

But what security has the nation, that I should not pocket public money, and that I should act the disinterested part that I profess? It has ample security; better security than the most cautious of mankind ought to demand of any man. For, in the first place, and without reference to any particular facts, must not every reflecting man be satisfied, that, if I had been capable of being feed, or bribed, or paid for the This being the case, it being impos- use of my pen, I might, with my modesible for me to derive any benefit in a rate way of living, have now had an pecuniary way from obtaining a seat in estate larger than I could have ridden a Parliament; and it being manifest to horse round in a day? Is there any such every one, that I must cease to follow man who does not think, that if I had all other gainful pursuits; it being clear been capable of receiving it, of the that I must devote the remainder of my about six millions which have been life to the public advantage, and not to expended in "secret service money," my own and that of my family, it will, since I began to write and publish, to every reasonable man, appear just some stray hundred thousand, or so, that I should, beforehand, receive an would have been impounded by me? indemnification for so great a sacrifice. It is notorious, that, for now more than For it is the first duty of every man to twenty-five long years, I have been the provide for his own, if he can do it with-great and constant and only really sharp out the commission of crinie, legal or and efficient thorn in the side of that moral. And what is the amount? Six system which has, at last, brought this thousand pounds. In the first place great country to the verge of convulsive this is necessary to give me a real qua- ruin; it is notorious, that I have been lification; and it does not become me the evening and the day star, the moon to have, and I will not have, a sham and the sun and the aurora of the press; qualification. To require the qualifica- that all the other parts of it have come tion is an unjust thing: it is one of the twinkling behind me, shining now and things of which we complain. I blame then, indeed, but shining with a borno man for resorting to it, if his object rowed light. I have always led the way be to combat the boroughmongers. But at a great distance forward; I have I will never do it again: it is, at the foreseen, foretold, every event, every least, a personál favour to ask; and as effect; my predictions have, in due I have no personal advantage in view, I succession, become history; I have been will never ask such favour again. The the teacher of the nation; the great sum is 6,000l. And is not the remainder source of political knowledge, and of all of all my labour worth that? A question those powerful arguments by which so that I leave to be answered by those many hundreds of thousands are now whom I hereby inform, that every single able to combat this nefarious and denumber of the "ADVICE TO YOUNG solating system of sway. Is there a man MEN" is worth much more than 1007.of ordinary information who does not If I were to become a member of Par- know all this? And, knowing this, and liament, away would go every thing else; and the nation would have every vigorous hour of my remaining life; a thing to which it has no claim without making compensation to my wife and

knowing the powerful motives the assailed system must have had to silence such a pen, and knowing also the millions that it has always had at its command; is there any man who thus