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are in themselves, however, of great moment; same parts in the same spirit. But in close and are such as to demand for the question contests, where twenty votes constitute the the most serious and candid consideration." triumphant majority," and where many One of them, and the most important, connects itself with the working of our electoral system. The theory of the franchise is, that the vote, as given to a candidate, represents the political opinions and decision of the elector. But this theory, in its working under the present system, is subject to many and various checks. A vote, when tendered at the poll, indicates too often, not so much the views of the elector, as the necessities of his position. Our complaint, indeed, against the system of open voting is, that it permits and directly encourages those electoral vices, to the suppression of which the energies of our legislators have been so often directed. It is the peculiar vice of the system that it subjects, in some degree, every elector to possible injurious consequences as the result of his vote; which possible consequences become realized and painful verities in proportion to the closeness of contests, and the violence of passions evoked by the heats of party strife. But though the nature and the manner of their application are both well known, it is scarcely possible to estimate the extent to which the operation of these undue influences reaches. The gentleman of fortune, the professional man, the tradesman, and the mechanic are all liable, more or less, to a pressure being exerted upon them, which is as mischievous and immoral as it is unconstitutional. Instances of hardship, the result of such pressure, are frequently becoming public, some of which would be astounding, were it not that they are, unfortunately, too common.

We have a right, we think, to claim of our opponents that the question of the ballot be recognized and discussed mainly as one of protection to the voter; as a measure of defence to the weak against the malice of the unscrupulous, and the perverted power of the strong. It is the constant and unblushing abuse of the system of open voting, with the fact that no partial remedy can be successfully applied, which renders its entire abrogation imperative and inevitable. Those "free and independent electors" who love to parade their opinions in the market place, who swell the procession to the hustings, and conspicuously display their party favours, would no doubt, ballot or no ballot, act the

times that number may be bound hand and foot to the interests of some principal supporter of each candidate, it is of the utmost importance that the honest voter be enabled to record an honest vote by being protected, in so doing, from the malice of a disappointed party. Under the actual circumstances in which electors are now placed, it is cruel and wicked to preach to them about the franchise being a high and sacred trust for the unrepresented, which they must conscientiously and fearlessly discharge in face of all consequences. And it is, besides, simply ridiculous, from the fact, that the very circumstance which gives rise to the appeal is that which entirely deprives it of force. It is the flagrant disregard of the right of private judgment in things political, and the no less flagrant violation of duty in regard to it, which characterizes to so great an extent the conduct of political partisans, which creates those very risks to which honest conviction is called upon to submit. I profess I can see no heroism-I think, rather, that the word is vilified by the connectionin a man, as things go, sacrificing the peace and comfort of his family, if not their very means of support, upon the altar of mere political partiality. Corn Laws are not to be repealed every seven years; nor does the fate of a ministry always depend upon the result of the election in our borough: while, on the other hand, the essential difference of sentiment in the candidates for a borough of any decided and known political character is not such, generally, as to render necessary any great sacrifice on the score, exclusively, of earnest political conviction. We do not decry, and would not discourage, political earnestness; but we would intensify and extend it, by rendering the expression of it SAFE. Further than this, I am not quite clear about that "high and sacred trust" just adverted to. The argument which hangs upon that peg is, that the franchise, being a trust held for the benefit of the unrepresented, it must be discharged publicly, that it may be known to them how far their rights and interests are respected by the vote given. I, however, believe it to be no "high and sacred trust" at all, but that the assertion, that it is so, is unmitigated fudge

and fiction. No constitutional authority has | sion may enter in upon him; or a scourge which spite and ill-will may freely and fearlessly lay upon his own back. The latest authority upon this point is Sir Joseph Paxton, who, within the past month, has declared, "I have had a good deal to do with county elections, and I have seen the screw put on, and have been well aware that a man could not venture to vote as he liked. You might as well give him a knife to cut his own throat as the franchise in that case. Now I think, that if you give the people a privilege, they ought not to suffer for exercising it, and I have looked upon the ballot as a necessary protection."

ever so defined it; and the highest legal
opinion in its favour I recollect ever to have
met with was that of a young tory lawyer,
at a borough contest in Durham. When a
man takes up his qualification to vote for a
member of parliament, who confides this trust
to him? What are the terins of it? And
to whom is be made responsible for its right
discharge? If I, being one of the unrepre-
sented, should present myself on the eve of
an election to a voter, and tell him that, as
he holds an important trust in my interest,
I am come to remind him of his acquired
responsibility, and to assist him in deter-
mining for whom he shall vote, there is no
doubt that if I was not kicked for my pains,
I should certainly deserve to be so. The
franchise, I take it, is an important and
precious privilege, acquired by the tempo-
rary possession of so much brick and mortar;
but it is no trust requiring to be discharged
publicly; and except as regards the right of
sale, a man may deal with it strictly as
personal property. If, therefore, a man
finds himself, unfortunately, so circum-
stanced that he cannot exercise the electoral
privilege except at great personal risk, he is
justified in throwing up his qualification if
he can; and if any blame attaches to such a
step at all, it rests with those who have
rendered it necessary.
That it is done in
numberless cases is, of course, well known.
A vote, when it ceases to be in the keeping
of a man's own conscience, ceases to be to
him a power and a privilege; and becomes,
instead, an open door through which oppres-

The ballot would render intimidation harmless, and most methods of corruption unproductive, or at least, of uncertain efficacy. Sharp electioneering agents would find it unprofitable to pay the rates of needy and worthless electors, while deprived of the guarantee of their faithfulness; treating, and the promises of good things to come, would die out; while the state of the poll being unknown till its close, there would exist no inducement to the candidates to decide the doubting ruminations of unconscionable elective scoundrels by urging the weighty considerations usually employed on those occasions.

The ballot question has, in late years, made decided progress, and is now ripe for parliamentary settlement, to which end it would be a desirable and justifiable course of action for every friend of it to adopt, to make adhesion to it, on every occasion, the sole condition of a vote. IRENE.

The Essayist.

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN: A STUDY.

TALENT is much more extensively diffused talent wisely directed and vigorously emthan genius, and when nobly exercised it is our duty to reverence it for the good which it effects, and for the mental energy which it manifests. That it is not genius, is no reason why it should not be rewarded with approbation, nor be regarded as an example. We now purpose, in an appreciative spirit, to refer to the character of Dr. Benjamin Franklin as an illustration of the results of

ployed. The biography of men of genius may interest us, but we often consider them as those whose inherent capacities separate them from the common mass,-men of finer clay, so to speak, than that in ordinary use, and we can only regard their industry and general conduct as capable of translation into every-day practice. Franklin, although a man of talent, cannot be termed a

man of genius. He had talent, which, as a | and his whole life was dwarfed by a low idea compensation for the want of genius, pro- of religion. He may have believed Chrisduces a perceptible influence on society, while tianity in its most rigidly orthodox acceptathe results of genius are often gradual and tion, and yet have fallen into the common scarcely traceable. error of confining religion and secular matters to separate provinces, without grasping the conception of a religion flowing forth upon life, directing it with a spiritual aim, and imparting to it the energy and fire of the world to come. It is more probable, however, that he despised Christianity as a doctrinal system, and his mind was incapable of rising to that spiritual sublimity and rapturous fervour, which we admit may in rare cases consist with a disbelief in many of the facts interwoven with the Scriptures. Our cause of regret must be, not so much that he embraced erroneous theological opinions, as that he was uninfluenced by a profound conviction of those spiritual relations which give an earnest tone to the character. He did not ascend higher than the idea of morality, unspiritualized, unsoftened, and unbeautified by worshipful emotion towards the loving Father, and shed abroad in sunlight plenitude over the great brotherhood of true souls. He contented himself with framing and working out rules which invested natural religion with a faint and deceptive christology. This must have dimmed the purity of his motives, and made his life somewhat narrow and utilitarian, in a lower sense than the spirit of self-sacrifice, which is the essence of our religion, however feebly it may be manifested in modern society. Franklin is generally regarded as an example of successful industry alone; while this opinion is incorrect, his own intrinsic want of elevation has contributed towards an estimate of himself lower than the facts will justify.

Franklin's life was in a large measure external. His name is indissolubly connected with the political events of his time. It will not be difficult, therefore, to form a proper estimate of his character in its public relations. Moreover, he has left an autobiography, which, although incomplete, will guide us to a correct conclusion regarding his whole character and conduct. This autobiography is one of the most interesting in our language, both from the features of life which it delineates, and the simplicity of its style; and independent of the stimulus which we believe it has afforded towards the pursuit of an honourable and industrious course, we think that to it we are in some degree indebted for the characteristic works of a similar description which abound, referring to individuals who have risen by the exercise of similar qualities to affluence and honour. It is not coloured as some biographies are, it being thought the part of the biographer, like the portrait painter, to present a flattering likeness. It is true it is in some portions too eulogistic of the writer. Praise is taken for very trifling actions,-actions comparatively insignificant, and in which Franklin had only a share. It does not appear, however, that this autobiography was written for public perusal; and expressions might be excused in a series of epistles to a son, which would be regarded as vain or conceited if intended for the world. After all, if a man's actions,-actions in a very striking sense his own, as wrought out by his own energy and skill,-meet with general approval a fact of which he cannot be ignorant;-self-praise can scarcely be blamed with severity when he becomes his own biographer. The autobiography of Franklin is sufficiently ingenuous, as he is bold enough to refer to various moral errata, as he terms them, in the early part of his career, of a very serious kind; and on the whole, the events themselves have every appearance of naturalness and truth, and point to indisputable characteristics of the narrator.

Amidst his various migrations before he rose to eminence, Franklin appears to have come much into contact with unbelievers,

With pleasure we turn to those features of character which Franklin displayed, clearly commendable in him, and worthy of imita tion. His industry is proverbial. It began in poverty, was exercised amidst various vicissitudes, and was quickened in the wider fields of labour on which he ultimately entered. It originated in a workshop, and ended at the courts of kings, and in the senate of a nation. He braved successfully the inducements for ease upon which numbers make their pillow through life. early acted on the idea, which many men scarcely recognise, though they receive not a few of the buffetings of life, viz., that our

He

existence is a great battle against inward sloth and outward difficulty. His was not, however, an indiscriminate industry, carried on as the result of a vigorous appetite for labour, and strong powers of endurance, but was used with wisdom to secure honourable ends. One thing well done after another gave him a firmer foothold in society, or, changing the figure, was an enduring stone, adding to the monument of character which he left behind him. Through life he carried on this patient building, with a strict aim after the substantial, till candid men were constrained to look on the strong and wellfinished pile as a model for much which the world requires in its numerous busy ways of industry and honour. Besides industry, he had the desire of pleasing. He did not content himself with working early and late to produce a quantity of work, little regardful of its quality, but what he performed was well executed. The principle which led him to print a page in an excellent manner, induced him also to write good articles for a newspaper, to forage an army plentifully, and to conduct, to a successful termination, delicate and important political negotiations. This desire of approbation, guided by principle, will in all of us spring up in fair and noble outward manifestations, affording to ourselves pleasure, as well as contributing to the world's comfort and intelligence. Thus all half work and avoidable imperfection becomes incongruous and painful. We thus have confidence in a man, knowing that though success may not always attend his exertions, yet he does as well as one can do, and, to use the common expression, deserves success. This desire of approbation led Franklin to seek many disinterested methods of action, of which he would not otherwise have thought. And it is indeed wonderful how flexible time may be made; what signal results may accrue from a careful use of opportunity; how well our individual pecuniary interests may be attended to, and yet something effectual be done for our own intellectual culture and the good of mankind. Franklin was economical. This, to the extent of providing in a moderate degree for future wants, is not only essential to our welfare, but is a positive virtue, an imperative duty, so far as it lies within our power. We have the capacity of foresight, of reflection, and we are bound to use it. This

principle, however, may be abused, and generate a miserly selfishness of disposition. It would be a mischievous idea that we must exercise a rigid economy, shutting out all the claims of humanity and religion till we gain a competence for ourselves;-that up to a certain stage we must be purely selfish to enable us afterwards to attend to the coordinate interests of ourselves and others. We are aware there are those who, professing Christianity, put forward, at least practically, such pleas for their sordid course, but while they injure their brethren-those whose sin, degradation, and sorrow, or hollow mirth are claims upon them-they generally end with as much selfishness as they commenced with. The beneficence of the comparatively poor towards the poor-a fact which puts to shame the calculating charity of the wealthy

does not leave them really poorer, while it is a noble contribution to the higher life of society, which consists in a spirit of selfsacrifice. The intense desire which prevails to acquire wealth, to provide material comfort, and to lift up the descendants of those born poor, surely calls for the application of those passages of the New Testament which condemn an excessive anxiety for the future, the feeling that we are not safe in the arms of the great Father unless firmly established on the foundations of material wealth,-passages which have in themselves a profound significance, however we may seek to quadrate them with the dwarfed conceptions and wishes of our commercial life. There is, however, an economy truly praiseworthy,— that which, independent of our material interest, consists also in the sacrifice of lower to higher ends. While we do not consider Franklin as one who carried out this idea in a high degree, yet we honour him for an economy which was exercised with so much regard to the public good. Franklin cultivated a knowledge of literature and science. He received little education in youth, but he afterwards fully supplied this deficiency. Intense must have been the industry which enabled him successfully to engage in the competition of business, and in the toil of public life, and yet to become acquainted with different languages and other departments of knowledge. His discoveries in natural philosophy are valuable and well known. That he made these, arose not so much from any particular talent which he

England, and came under engagements by which he incurred great risk of loss. We honour, then, Franklin for his patriotism. This judgment is of course formed irrespective of the views which he, as the representative of America, urged upon Great Britain. But those views will now be generally admitted to be sound, although opposed to the despotic principles which then prevailed in the public councils of the British Empire. On the whole, Franklin was a man of principle; he possessed those qualities which, combined, constitute an excellent character. From our spiritual stand-point we cannot recognize Franklin as a great ideal. But the influence of character may radiate from many a soul, diffusing a bright light on the ordinary ways of men, while it throws not a single glance into the gloom of the Infinite, and gives no celestial form and beauty to the dim shadows of the unseen.

possessed, as from close observation and repeated experiment. His writings display the characteristics of his mind. They are clear, ingenuous, and candid. They display the spirit of the humble enquirer rather than that of the dogmatist. He produced no literary works that will survive, but this is little to be regretted, as the fruits of his talent remain in important philosophical discoveries and political institutions. Franklin was distinguished for his public spirit, or, in other words for his patriotism. His was not the spirit of the tradesman, to whom the political relations of an empire are nothing except as they affect the current of business or the price of stocks, and to whom genius is a troublesome phantasy, and learning an unprofitable labour. Franklin did not despise the humblest matter of public utility. He obtained a regular supply of scavengers for the public streets of Philadelphia; and a water company and fire brigade were or- Franklin is worthy of imitation for the ganized by him. He established an academy features of character to which we have now and an hospital. He originated circulating adverted. Industrious-we shall overcome libraries in America, and started one of its the difficulties which surround us; and at earliest journals. In the widest sense he all events we shall have the consciousness of was a patriot. His country had none who acting an honourable part, "each in his served it with greater or purer zeal. He vocation and ministry;" having the desire represented America with much dignity and to give satisfaction, we shall obtain that ability both in England and France; and in approbation which will smooth our path, those countries, where he spent a consider- and encourage our efforts. Economical-we able part of his life, his company was eagerly shall have greater power to promote our courted by politicians and literary men. In interests, and to answer those claims of huEngland the Government looked to his influ- manity which are the very keys of heaven. ence for averting the threatened calamity of Cultivating our intellectual powers war, and even when he was ambassador at shall, obtain that knowledge which will Paris, they endeavoured, he observes, to pro- make our way through life interesting and cure his favour for that purpose. The pa- instructive. Let us add Religion, which will tience and perseverance with which he offered make our whole lives divine, how humble one scheme of settlement after another, not- soever may be our condition, how environed withstanding repeated disappointments, is soever with difficulty, or depressed by care. worthy of high commendation. He organized Religion! - which will not only guide us a militia in a Quaker province, for defence with success through life, and win for us the against the French; he advanced consider- esteem of man, but obtain for us the Divine able sums of money for the English troops, favour, and bless us with the felicity of before the commencement of the war with God. T. U.

-we

DECIMAL COINAGE:-THE NECESSITY FOR ITS ADOPTION-ITS ADVANTAGES OVER THE PRESENT SYSTEM-AND THE VARIOUS FLANS FOR CARRYING IT OUT WHICH HAVE BEEN PROPOSED.

No. IV. (Continued from Vol. V.)

WE purpose in this, our concluding paper, thod, as well as the advantages, of using to give a few practical examples of the me- the decimal system, and also to glance at

D

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