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In conclusion, we would call attention to I de Titoff protests against all inquiry into the articles of E. L. J. and " Irene," and the the actual right of possession, and insists, in aspect which the debate assumes affirma- the Emperor's name, on the actual state of tively, judging from these articles. possession.” If words mean anything, the
We assure E. L.J. that we are as far from Czar meant that the Turkish Cabinet should believing that he or any man can adduce make Russian dictation her guide, let the arguments to prove that war under any cir- consequences be what they might. Herecumstances is unjustifiable, as we are from was the injustice of Russia, and here was believing that he can justify Russia in her the first step of aggression; and we may aggressive conduct, and fairly impeach our fairly challenge the power of E. L. J. to government.
show it otherwise! With this conclusion, E. L. J. assures us that he could establish the claim of E. L. J.'s article, as a negative the principle that all war is unjustifiable, defence, at once falls to the ground. and then, strange to say, proceeds to impeach “ Irene” attempts to establish the same our government ca the principle of non-inter- conclusion on a more reasonable basis, but vention; and at the same time justifies the with a success which must appear to all conduct of Russia in her interposition on impartial minds limited indeed. That the behalf of the Greek church. “Admit this,” | possession of Constantinople by Russia could says E. L. J., “ as we must, and the right of by any means advance the general security Russia to interpose in behalf of the Greek of the rest of Europe, is a gratuitous assercommunion becomes incontrovertible.” Now, tion on the part of “Irene," and appears to the fallacy of our opponent's position and us as puerile and “silly” as it is opposed to entire strain of argument is evident; for, if historic facts. It were just as reasonable to all war is unjustifiable, how can Russian speak of a wild beast safer loose than bound. aggression be justified ? E. L. J. would The same motive which leads Russia to seek have us think that this war originated in the possession of Constantinople, would lead the craft of Louis Napoleon, that he fostered her to seek the possession of Calcutta or it in order to enlist more firmly on his side Paris, however impracticable, perilous, or the sympathies of his “volatile nation.” unjust the attempt would be. Now this is a weak insinuation, and one Russia is an aggressive power, and cirwhich no person can for a moment admit, cumstances fully show that she has no reunless perfectly blinded to the entire policy spect for nationalities, the common laws of of Russia for many years past. The cupidity nations, or the principles of common justice. of Russia had cast its Gorgon eye upon Con- Where, then, “ Irene,” is the pledge of secustantinople and the destruction of the nation- rity as it regards the peace of the rest of ality of Turkey long ago, and only waited Europe, with the iron hand of Russian an opportunity, however plausible, to blind aggression in full power at Constantinople? the powers of Europe to her perfidy, so as to Is this not a chimera of thy fancy, “ Irene”? pursue her base policy.
Is it not a fact that the ambition of Russia E. L. J. attempts to gloss the facts of has long been the extension of her vast dothe case concerning the “ Holy places,” so as main? Did not the accession of Finland to lead the reader to the conclusion that give a keener edge to her insatiate ambition? France, and not Russia, infringed the com- Did she manifest any reluctance to accept mon right involved in the dispute between part of Poland? What has been her policy the Greek and Latin churches. This is a ever since? Has it not been brought to light misrepresentation. France and Russia had in the late crisis, that Constantinople, in the their distinctive rights in the “Holy places,” councils of Russia, was doomed to be her by the permission of the Sultan; and when future victim? We say, then, upon the the disturbances broke out there, Russia clearest data, that the possession of Turkey manifested her intention and imperiousness by Russia would endanger the best interests by dictating to the Sultan as to what he of all Europe. “Irene" proceeds to argue should do, to such an extent as to neutralize that the war was unjustifiable on the part of the Turkish independence. We refer E.L.J. England because her “honour and interests" to the passage and correspondence men- were not at stake! This appears to us a tioned in a former part of this article—“M. great fallacy, and leads us to entertain
strange ideas of what national " honour and As it regards British interests in India, interests" really are in " Irene's ” political and their safety, with Russia in possession of creed. We deny the right of one nation to Constantinople, we would ask " Irene,” how stand by and see another attempt to destroy came England in possession of part of India ? a feebler power, without its manifesting in Is not Russia in possession of the same the eyes of the world its righteous displea- means as those by which those possessions
It is as monstrous and unnatural as were obtained, and to a much greater extent? acquiescence in murder itself! It is base as She who could promise Turkey 400,000 the principle of that monster evil, slavery! soldiers and a fleet of ships, “ Irene” would Reason, conscience, and the purest sympathies have us imagine, possesses no power to of our coinmon humanity, in alliance with threaten our Indian possessions with her the holiest of religions, rise up in startling encroachments; not even with the Black opposition to the vile thought!
Sea entirely under her power, and all Asia, What meaneth our ambassador's presence between Constantinople and India, incapable at the Turkish court if it mean not that of anything like successful resistance. The England regards the nationality of Turkey impossibility of which “ Irene” dreams would as distinct and sacred as her own, and would soon vanish before the resolution of Russian at all times, and under all circumstances, cupidity, did circumstances permit. seek to consolidate their mutual interests? If, the difficulty of invasion does now If it mean this much, then is the honour of exist on the part of Russia, even to the England concerned, and for ever forfeited, if extent“ Irene” imagines, where is the logic or she use not the power which God has given the logician able to show that the subjugation her in the open defence of violated nationali- of Turkey by Russia would secure either the ties! There is a voice of deepest inspiration peace of Europe or the safety of our eastern sounding from the wrecked nationalism of possessions? In our humble opinion, the Poiand—of Hungary-of republican Italy! conclusions of “ Irene" amount to a positive It speaks to thee, O England! Would that absurdity,—-conclusions which intimate the the wild agony of its cries had moved thee, fallacy of his argumentation, and the ignis as it must yet do, to righteous action and fatuus principles which constitute his politiholy sympathy!
cal creed !
It is a distressing circumstance that we get in the course of the war, have been rejected, bave to ask the question, What is the present though they are such alone as that power, war for? why is it waged? This question without acknowledging the complete abanbecomes more difficult to answer as the war donment of her political position and rank, proceeds. The circumstances attending it could be expected to make. The longer the are changing from time to time. So meagre war goes on, the more inveterate will it and unsatisfactory were the original grounds become; and if it ever was a war justifiable of the war, that our most eminent states- on the part of this country, it may totally men long resisted the outcry of the people; change its character, while we may be comand, had it not been for the public clamour pelled to proceed with it. This shows at against Russia, there would have been no once that, from the very nature of the inwar at all;--and we are here forcibly re- strument, war should only be a last resort, minded of the responsibility of journalism, and that the duty of waging war may not in leading the country into a war which is immediately arise in the case of such pronow regretted. The original grounds for ceedings as Russia adopted regarding Turkey. entering into war have, however, long ago Nothing can be drawn from the fact that disappeared. At the same time, as the the war is popular. This was the case with process of change goes on, there does not, many of our former wars when they comunfortunately, arise a proportionate proba- menced, though waged in opposition to the bility of the war closing by means of nego- freedom of nations. We would tax our tiation. The proposals of Russia, made American possessions ;- -our national pride from the first, and again and again renewed was wounded by opposition to an unjust
was the consequence, doing substantial justice, to the christian which showed us defeated a war which population. We will make no attempt to dislocated, and made at enmity for gene- rouse Hungary, Poland, and Italy. The rations, the Anglo-Saxon race. Our wars voice of liberty calls to us in vain. It with France in modern times arose from may fairly be inquired, Is the maintenance the intense hatred of the British people to of a tottering despotism a justifiable ground democracy. If it be answered that the for going to war? Even if it were, there character of the people has since changed, are duties still more sacred; even if we can we would say, Consider our Indian warfare, uphold Turkey, is that object worth the our wars at the Cape, and the recent war, with its many uncertainties? Is it the Chinese War. These wars have scarcely a primary obligation upon us to enter into a defender, although waged only a few years long and bloody war for the sake of that ago. They were defensible only on the profligate power, taxing the poor, and lavishground of opposing human liberty, oppressing ing the best blood of the land ? We think the weak, and of territorial aggrandizement. not. True, it is said the safety of Great Looking to what we have done rather than Britain is involved. There cannot be a to our professions, we had no reason to blame greater mistake. The possession of Turkey Russia for seeking territorial advantages. would bring Russia no nearer India. The Neither had France, France, which suc- distance is immense. Our fleets would cumbs to the usurpation of the coup d'état, afford us an ample passage in time of war. and whose soldiers have learnt their valour The possession of Turkey might give Russia on the plains of Algeria. As a nation, we certain advantages, and, in course of time, have been most guilty in regard to our past Russia might invade our Indian possessions. wars. The governments but echoed in these Russia might do so as it is, if it were not wars the voice of the people. It is idle to for the barriers which prevent her. We are throw on governments the responsibility of not, however, justified in entering on a war the wars of our ambition, our treachery, our with reference to contingencies so remote. crime. We yet retain the territories so ill If that be a fair ground for war, we ought gotten. We would not part with a fraction to have opposed force of arms the French of our power, though won by the grossest conquest in Algeria; and, in fact, we ought injustice. We allowed Hungary and Poland to be prepared constantly for war. We have to be sacrificed, and Rome to be invaded. other duties to our population than this. To this hour we stand committed to a course Our real obligation, our real strength, is not of injustice; we even yet impose an adverse to interfere to the extent we do in contiestablishment on the Irish population ;-and nental politics-not to be led into war on why? Because our people are wanting in vague suspicions, or in consequence of disa sense of justice;-they entertain the bitter- tant, contingent, and possibly false dangers. est hatred of the Catholic as a man. We Our experience should teach us this. We talk of defending liberty. It is mere talk. have been induced to enter into war often We are spending our blood and treasure in by an erroneous notion of our duty to meddle the cause of despotism; in aiding a despot- with the disputes of other nations, and we ism worse than any other that can possibly have gained no real strength. We have always be conceived; a despotism so gross, that the been losers. We have taxed ourselves beyond Greek population, who largely preponderate any other country to support rotten thrones. in number over the Turks, naturally look to It is even probable we shall be compelled Russia as the means of freeing them; a to pay the armies of continental despots as despotism which is fast decaying, and is the war proceeds. The statement may not doomed to perish. In the unhappy struggle be true that Austria demands reimbursewe are compelled to resist the efforts of ment of her expenses in the occupation of Greece to assert the freedom of the Hellenic the Principalities, but there is nothing more
We would crush any attempt at in- likely than that John Bull, courageous in surrection in Turkey, although nothing war, but easily duped and led into war,would be more justifiable in the circum- led into it now, as before, as if he were an stances of the case. We refuse to demand utter fool,—will have to pay for foreign from Turkey any change of relations for armies from the produce of his manufac
tories and farmyards, that the lazy Turk | humble Russia; that even if humbled, the may enjoy himself in the seraglios at Stam- prospect of peace would be distant; that we boul, or execrate the Frank as he passes never can get an adequate compensation for along the streets of Constantinople. If ever, our national expenditure in such a war; and then, there was a country which required they are glad when any opportunity of peace clear and decisive grounds for entering into is afforded: and thus, in effect, they confess war, it is our own: but we have again gone that the war was waged from the beginning into war on grounds so vague, so uncertain, on insufficient grounds. The character of and so changeable, as to render it obvious the war was known to the people at first. All that the lessons of experience have been this should have weighed with them to prethrown away, and that we are committing vent the nation entering into a war, whose the same error as at the commencement of consequences none could foreseethe century-of entering into war on un- from which it was so doubtful if any good tangible grounds, without an adequate con- could be derived, and which would immeception of what it may prove to be-a war diately strain the national resources. Nothrowing back the tide of progress in our thing but the most extreme peril could country—a war from which we can reap no justify a war of the kind referred to. The advantage-and a war which, like most small chances of success, and the interests others, will end by the contending nations of the empire, injured to an incalculable being in much the same position towards extent by a war, might reasonably have been each other as before it began. The very allowed to preponderate over the vague idea clearest grounds were especially required to of injury to us by Russian aggression. If justify the present war. has already cost such considerations were not obvious to the as much both of blood and treasure. It nation before the commencement of the war, may rage on fields far off from the Crimea, they ought at least to have impelled the and blast with its savagery years distant acceptance of the offers of peace. It cannot from that passing away. Russia has strong be reasonably disputed, that whether Russia natural defences, mighty battlements, and a has been to blame or not, the question of vast fanatical population. There is no pro- our small natural connection with the bability of that nation yielding—no pro- matters in dispute, the uncertainty of such bability of success for years—no probability a war, and the many home interests affected of that nation being thoroughly humbled — by it, must enter largely into any discussion no probability that, if humbled, peace would of whether the war is justifiable towards the be the result. Our wisest statesmen say population of this country. We think there truly, to humble Russia would, if possible, would be no fair obligation on us to underonly lead her to gather up and concentrate take a war for the emancipation of Poland, her forces for a deadlier blow. Some terri- Hungary, and Italy; the war, however, being tory we might acquire, but we must keep it begun, it might assume a nobler and more by the sword-keep it by means which heroic character, should it of necessity be would extend permanently the burden of our carried on, if we were to seek the restoration national responsibility. We may humble of the lost liberty of these countries. That Russia, still we should be without peace, question is not before us. We must look at and in every event without the smallest the war as it is a war to assist Austria in prospect, with reference to her resources, the keeping down Italy; to assist Austria and spirit of her population, and her proximity Prussia in retaining their portions of Poland; to the scene of action, of anything but a and to assist Turkey in repressing the liberbrief repose. One after another our states- ties of the population over whom she is a men are recoiling from the war. They usurper, and possibly in frightening Russia. would accept of peace on the most moderate The offers of peace repeatedly made by the terms, though little more than what Russia latter power might not be kept, yet surely was willing from the first to agree to the stake at issue was not such as properly That those terms do not differ much, only to make the allied powers justified in throwshows the folly of the war altogether. They ing them away, and encountering the dread see distinctly that a feeble warfare will not alternative of war. do; that it may be impossible after all to We cannot admit that the diplomatic correspondence is difficult to understand. Russia then re-asserted her first claim. Ady jdea of difficulty consists simply in Even yet the Russian Emperor was willing to this. The course of diplomacy presented agree to the Vienna Note, with a clause to every reasonable ground for peace;—why is be adopted by the Conference to satisfy the it, then, that we are now at war? It is our Turkish scruples. The Turks that very opponents who require to answer this; and week declared war, contrary to the advice it is reasonable to expect, on such a subject, of the allies. Hence we are dragged into not half a dozen of hypotheses, but a clear a war. We must fight for Turkey, forsooth, and satisfactory reply. No party maintained because she chooses to reject the terms we the complete independence of Turkey. Her think reasonable, and insists on war. Whecase was exceptional
. She is an anti-Euro- ther Russia was originally right or wrong, pean usurpation, opposed to the Christianity instead of assisting Turkey when she comand the civilization of Europe. The Turks menced war, our duty was to have turned maintain by force authority over the Chris- on her, and demanded that she should stop tian population, who are treated as if they it. The only kind of answer that can be belonged to an inferior race. Within the given to the question, Is the war justifiable? borders of Turkey are certain Holy Shrines. is, that, ignoring the whole course of the France insisted on certain obsolete claims on negotiations, we seek to repel Russian behalf of the Latin church. Russia then aggression in the east of Europe. We have insisted on equal rights with France. Her shown, however, that the war is not justiclaims were, in a large measure, acknow- fiable on that ground, and we submit that ledged by the Four Powers at the Vienna it was the duty of the government to have Conference. Had it not been for the British procured a peace on the terms of the Vienna minister at Constantinople, Prince Menschi- Note, and that, refusing to do so, the war is koff's final note would have been accepted anjustifiable. by the Sultan. This would have placed In conclusion, we ask if it be our duty to Turkey in no worse position than before. oppose Russian territorial aggrandizement? There was no discoverable difference between whether it was our clear duty to enter into it and the Vienna Note of the Four Powers. the present war? Consider the evils which The Turks, knowing they were sure of the war has caused, and will yet entail on making any use of the blood and treasure of us. Our duty rather was to develop our England, rejected Prince Menschikoff's pro- resources, to abolish our bad institutions, to posal. The Russians then crossed the Pruth, unite all classes by education and equal which they were entitled to do, so far as laws, to organize more thoroughly our army former treaties were concerned, and which and navy, and to give to the people the was declared not to be a casus belli. The defence of the country. Instead of that, the Vienna Conference commenced. The Vienna empire is weakened, impoverished by an unNote was agreed to by the Four Powers, certain contest, inconsiderately entered on, and was declared by them to be a reasonable in consequence of the vaguest grounds, waged settlement of the dispute. It was accepted with the narrowest views, and leading to no by Russia. Turkey, however, after all re- results substantially different from the state fused to accede to the note, on a question of of things which marked its commencement. interpretation, without any tangible reason. Edinburgh.
HABIT OF THINKING.–Thought engenders thought. Place one idea upon paper, and others will follow it, until you have written a page. You cannot fathom your mind. There is a well of thought there which has no bottom. The more you draw from it, the more clear and fruitful it will be. If you neglect to think yourself, and only use other people's thoughts, you will never know what you are capable of. At first your ideas may come out in lumps, homely and shapeless; but time and perseverance will arrange and polish them. Learn to think, and you will learn to write; the more you think, the better you will express your ideas.