I make, then, a loyal appeal to the entire nation, and I say to you, if you wish to continue this unhealthy state of things, which degrades you and compromises your future, choose another in my place, for I no longer wish power which is impotent to do good, which renders me responsible for acts which I cannot prevent, and which chains me to the helm when I see the vessel gliding towards the abyss. If, on the contrary, you still have confidence in me, give me the means to accomplish the great mission which I hold of you.

This mission consists in closing the era of revolutions, by satisfying the legitimate wants of the people, and by protecting them against subversive passions. Above all, it consists in creating institutions which survive individuals, and which may at last be the foundations on which we may rest something durable. Convinced that the instability of power, that the preponderance of a single assembly are the permanent causes of trouble and discord, I submit to your suffrages the following fundamental bases of a constitution, which the assemblies will hereafter develop:

1. One responsible chief, nominated for ten years.

2. Ministry dependent on the executive chief alone.

3. A council of state, formed of the most distinguished men, preparing the laws and supporting their discussion before the legislative body.

4. A legislative body, discussing and voting laws, nominated by universal suffrage, without scrutiny of the list, which falsifies election.

5. A second assembly, composed of the most distinguished men of the country, preponderating power, guardian of the fundamental paction and of the public liberties.

This system, created by the First Consul at the commencement of the century, gave repose and prosperity to France; it will again do so.

Such is my profound conviction. If you agree with me, declare so by your suffrages. If, on the contrary, you prefer a government without power, monarchical or republican, borrowed I do not know from what chimerical past or future, answer negatively.

Thus, then, for the first time since 1804, you will vote, fully aware of the cause, and knowing for whom and for what.

If I do not obtain the majority of your suffrages, then I will convoke a new assembly, and I will remit to it the mandate I have received from you.

But if you believe that the cause of which my name is the symbol-that is to say, France regenerated by the Revolution of 1789, and organised by the Emperor-is your own, proclaim it by consecrating the powers which I demand. Then France and Europe will be preserved from anarchy, obstacles will be smoothed down, rivalries will disappear, for all will respect in the decision of the people the decree of Providence.

All was optional; they might have him or not as their ruler. If not, he would retire, having first called a constituent assembly and remitted to it the future of France; but if the nation wished that he should rule over them, these were his conditions. And he was right: a rule less arbitrary would only have plunged France back into the régime of the factions. There might be relaxation hereafter, but it was clear that less stern conditions could not at present maintain the public peace.

We all know how unmistakably France answered in the affirmative to this clear and straightforward programme; and so large was the majority, that to attempt to account for it on any other theory than the simple one that France was in favour of Louis Napoleon, augurs a perversity of mind. But though the nation was by so large a majority in his favour, his popularity in Paris was not so decided; and here it is necessary to resume the narrative of events, in order that we may confute the charge frequently brought against Louis Napoleon, that the coup d'état was stained by excessive and unnecessary bloodshed.

On the morning of the coup d'état, the most energetic protest was on the part of the Legitimist and Orleanist deputies, who, meeting together to the number of two hundred and seventeen, at one of the mairies, passed sundry resolutions condemnatory of the President, the immediate and only effect of which was their bloodless capture and seclusion in the safe precincts of Mazas, whence, with some difficulty on their part, they were dismissed after opposition had ceased in the streets. The High Chamber of Justice was next dissolved, after having passed a decree of "déchéance" against the President, and there remained only the Socialists of Paris to subdue. These did not yet show front, and at eleven o'clock at night Paris was tranquil.

The émeute broke out at three o'clock next morning. It kept its traditionary locality. Again, as so often before, the Faubourg St. Antoine struck the first note of revolt, soon taken up by the Faubourgs St. Jacques and St. Marceau. The insurrection was composed, in a great measure, of the enemies of all government, who looked to plunder and not to social amelioration as the end in view. But now it was no Roi fainéant, or club of rhetoricians, with which the émeute had to contend; but with a man resolute in his object, and backed by an army acting under precise orders. The last embers of the revolt expired on the 4th of December. It might easily have been sooner trampled out, its explosion at all might have been prevented, but time was purposely given for its development, in order that its repression might be so complete as to render insurrection in future hopeless. The actual bloodshed is stated by Cassagnac, who adduces in corroboration the report of the prefect of police, to be as follows: On the part of the troops, 26 killed and 184 wounded; on the part of the insurrection, 175 killed and 115 wounded.

He positively denies that there were any executions after the victory, and maintains that these figures exhibit the maximum of casualties.

This statement, which has been repeated several times by Napoleon and his organs, is in striking contradiction to the statements of Victor Hugo and the stories of the English newspapers at the time. For our own part, we believe the Napoleonic version as most consistent with the circumstances of the case, for here was an overwhelming military force, directed by unflinching resolution, and led by the most skilful commanders, in conflict with the wrecks of that revolutionary army which the cannon of Cavaignac had not so long ago so bloodily defeated. such a case no serious or prolonged resistance was possible; and where there was little resistance there was no necessity, and hardly a possibility, of carnage.

In

One charge made against Napoleon at the time by Louis Blanc and the English papers, so far from being denied or extenuated, is re-stated by Cassagnac as a measure of sagacious policy, and this induces us the more readily to believe his disclaimer of the other part of the charge. It is confessed that 26,000 clubbists were on the 8th of December sentenced to banishment by the President, "répondant au voeu général des populations indignées.'

The result of the appeal to universal suffrage on the occasion of the coup d'état was as follows: in all there were 8,116,773 voters; of these, 7,439,243 voted for the acceptance of the constitution offered by Louis Napoleon, while only 640,737 voted for its rejection.

Here we stop the Presidency is a complete drama, the final act of

:

name.

which we have just recorded, for the brief period which intervened until the proclamation of the Empire was in reality the Empire under another We have, on the whole, been led to a verdict of acquittal, or at least of justification, in favour of Louis Napoleon up to this, the close of an historic epoch of his career. Certainly his régime, even although cramped and obstructed by a constitution whose normal action necessarily led to a political dead-lock, was better than that of the provisional government. Under it he had done all that man could do, and had elicited as much good as could be elicited in spite of its trammels. At last things had come to that pass that government was almost impossible, and the constitution only acted as an obstacle. Then it was that Louis Napoleon took the only step open to him, or to any man in such a position— namely, an illegal step, a violation of the letter of the constitution. But when he did so he paid homage to its spirit, and by leaving the issue to universal suffrage, he appealed to a tribunal which the constitution itself acknowledged, and to which his enemies could not object. Whether an appeal to such a tribunal was right or wrong is a problem which general sociology has not yet determined, and probably never will determine, for the question proposed is, wherein consists the natural sovereignty of a nation? and this same natural sovereignty is in reality merely a fiction. But although this question thus admits of endless debate, all France had agreed that the sovereignty resided in the people, and they said that the voice of the people could only be ascertained by universal suffrage; that, then, being assumed, as a matter out of debate, it is a truism admitted by all parties that to the "sovereignty" belongs the decision of any question important to the national destiny. It had now decided in favour of the coup d'état.

Were we to go on with Louis Napoleon's career, we would not speak in terms of such approval of the Emperor as we have thought ourselves justified with regard to the President. We think we see an undue dread of the effect of public opinion, which has led to the virtual suppression of the right of discussion-a right which no government which thinks itself conducive to the national welfare need fear, for the institutions of such a government are parts of that universal truth which always, in the long run, gains by freedom of discussion. We would also be inclined to animadvert on that court flunkeyism which seems to us to belie the masculine nature of the Emperor as it did that of Napoleon I.; we would have thought "the modest state of Cromwell" more in keeping with the rule of a race which at present depends on intellectual power than the tinsel pomp of Louis XIV. Further, we would have preferred that Napoleon III. had displayed less of that egotism which is the unamiable characteristic of his race. But the Empire is yet a problem, which can only be correctly appreciated when it also is consummated.

Let us, however, say, that in spite of all the failings which, in our opinion, may be charged against the Empire, our sympathies are with the Emperor, whom we believe to be actuated by a sincere desire to promote the glory and the welfare of France, and, what is of still greater interest to us, fully determined to maintain peace with that great but often irritating country which so long afforded him an asylum.

May he long reign over a united, prosperous, and, let us hope, in due time, a free people!

J. A. G.

THE rich autumnal tints had faded, and the world lay cold and bleak in its wintry covering of ice, frost, and snow. My window-panes, never of the clearest, were dimmed with congealed moisture. I breathed upon them, and rubbing the hoar-frost away, looked out. The letter-carrier was standing at the door chatting with a comely maid-servant, but chancing to cast his eyes up, he saw me and bustled down the street.

I threw open the window, and leaning out, demanded if there were any letters for me. "Yes, sir, one," she answered, and presently I held it in my hand. The writing was Veronica's. I tore the seal carelessly open, not expecting to be interested by the perusal of its contents; but I was mistaken; the news that letter conveyed had a painful interest for me. Veronica was engaged to be married to a young man residing in Halle, and the pure, innocent joy of my sister cut me to the heart. She spoke of him with confidence and hope, expressed a wish that I should return to Weimar and be introduced to "her Heinrich ;" she was sure I should like him, but the personal assurance that I did would increase her joy. There was no mention of Ida, but I felt (and doubtless entirely without reason) as if there were allusions to our unfortunate attachment: my conscience pricked me, and I saw reproaches in every line where none were intended. To study that day was an impossibility; sorrow came fresh upon me as it had done on the first sad week after Ida's marriage. I could not stay within doors, but rushed out into the street, and away from the town, that I might be alone. That night my sleeping fancies were disturbed by terrible visions, and starting up with a palpitating heart, and perspiration streaming from my brow, I had great difficulty to assure myself that it had been but a dream. The moon was peering dimly through the window, and I heard the clock ticking on the stairs; the place felt desolate, but I cast myself back on my bed again, and thought of the time when these visions were habitual to me: then one night in particular rose up in my memory. My mother had left me, after (as she thought) singing me to sleep, but at a cry which burst from my lips she returned to soothe me, and said that though she was not at my side, I was not alone, for God was always near. I looked up in her kind face and said, "Is it so?"

Yes, dear child, you need not fear.”

I kissed her, and folding my arms round her neck, whispered gently, "Go, then, mother; God will protect me.

I saw her leave the room, but felt quite happy and confident in God's

protecting power. What would I not have given for that spirit of confidence as I lay then tortured by fancies far more appalling in their nature than those I had experienced as a child? Confidence and trust were gone-what had I in their place? I blush not to own that I stretched out my arms as if to seize the far-distant past, and bring it back again. The soul may give free expression, in gestures, to its agony in the night, for no human eye can penetrate through the darkness to misconstrue and sneer at us.

I was very weary when morning came, and did not rise till late that day. My head ached, and my thoughts drove me wild with their one unchanging theme. I went out to seek companionship, and joined a party of students about to start on an excursion. Some of us drove, and others rode on horses hired in the town: we were all Germans, and enlivened the way by singing jovial songs. For a time I succeeded in banishing dull care, and entered with a kind of wild zest into my companions' frolicsome humour. I rode a race, leaped a low wall for a wager, and drank more than any of the party, but retained full possession of my senses, which was, I may safely say, more than some of those present succeeded in doing. We returned to Strasburg late, but one of my friends persuaded me to accompany him to a ball, and after arranging our somewhat ruffled attire, we proceeded together to join in the gay scene. The music, the brilliant lights and superb dresses, were all dazzling, and I yielded to the pleasure, or rather to the excitement, of the moment, and soon found myself whirling in a rapid waltz amid a throng of dancers. My partner was exquisitely beautiful, and her light, witty conversation fascinated me. The waltz ceased; I engaged her for another, and another. A dark, scowling face came up to us and whispered something in my partner's ear; I heard the word "Beware!" but she laughed, and we danced on again as carelessly as ever.

"Hist! a word with you, Hans," said my friend, drawing me aside.

"You had better take care what you are about; that young lady is engaged to be married.”

I laughed, and said that was nothing to me.

"We shall have a bloody duel to-morrow," continued he, "for, by Heavens! her fiancé looks like Mephistopheles himself."

66

May I depend on you for my second?" I asked, carelessly; and ten minutes had scarcely elapsed ere I was dancing with the same partner again.

The ball was over; I stood placing a shawl round her snowy shoulders; an elderly lady made a sign to her, and, bowing, she sprang away. gazed after her fairy form, but a dark obstacle came between us, and, looking up, I saw the same scowling face frowning at me.

I

"You must answer for your conduct of to-night, sir," he said, addressing me in French.

I looked at him scornfully, and, laughing, turned on my heel and

went out.

with difficulty;

It was very dark in the streets, and I threaded my way people were still moving in the principal thoroughfares, and I loitered about among them, enjoying the cool night air, and unwilling to hasten to my close rooms, but wearying at length, I turned homewards, and diving down a by-street, found myself, as I thought, in perfect solitude.