influence to the empire of France, instead of that of Austria. Again, the species of federation which existed between the empire of France, the vice-royalty of Italy, and other kingdoms, was founded upon a principle which cannot be created by any possible relationship between Ireland and England.

It requires no great perspicacity to see through the "fraternam salutem" which Mr. O'Connell has been exchanging with those whose political principles he has vituperated in no very chaste language.

This love and affection are precisely after the fashion of the Jacobites, the Jesuits, and the Jacobins of former days; for provided there was one point of attraction for these worthies, notwithstanding they differed in religion in particular, and most multifariously upon political questions generally, still all these things were no impediment to association and alliance; the one thing needful, that absorbed all other considerations, being to obtain power, and to despoil, at all hazards and by every means, the actual possessors of authority.

This was preeminently the policy of the United Irish with the French Republicans. It was the policy of the Irish Presbyterians and the Catholics of 1798. It was the policy of the Protestant Jacobites in 1745; and ever has been the continuous policy of the Jesuits.*

Thus in 1843 Ireland has so retrograded in political knowledge, wisdom, and experience, that it sets before

* The unfortunate Emmett was asked by the Council what the United Irish would have done with persons of distinction and property, if the rebels had succeeded in their undertakings; his answer was, they would be kept as hostages, in order to force the King's government to give to the United Irish the power they required.

the world the display of that citizenship, which, under the name of liberty, has produced so much misery. For the farce enacted by Mr. O'Connell in Conciliation Hall was nothing more than citizen O'Connell fraternizing with friend and citizen Sturge and citizen O'Brien, the Agitator having before in secret received the kiss of friendship from citizen Ledru-Rollin, the representative of French discontent, and Mr. Verhagen, the representative of Belgian dissatisfaction.

But no sooner have Mr. O'Connell's new allies accepted the principle of a federative union, than the Agitator recedes from such policy, and changes the watch-word Repeal of the Union to Repeal of the statute of George the Third, chap. xxxviii.

What a falling off is here! Why, this is a virtual abandonment of Mr. O'Connell's REPEAL OF THE UNION, and what in parliamentary phraseology would be called moving the previous question. What is this one point of union between Mr. O'Connell and his associates, English, Irish, and foreign, that does remain? The overthrow of the existing order of government everywhere. His two continental friends say that the political power of the Catholic priesthood in Europe is dangerously increasing, that the two revolutions in Belgium and France are complete failures, that there is no freedom in Europe, and Mr. LedruRollin asserts that legislative discussions are mere imposition; here, therefore, is not to be found any bond of union between Mr. O'Connell and these foreign gentlemen.

Both the Belgian and French delegates pretty openly repeat the republican continental sentiment, of peace to the cottage and war to the palace; as in England, the

class of politicians with whom Mr. O'Connell has allied himself express the same sentiments, when they unceasingly labour to impress upon the public this most unmeasured falsehood-that the interest of the community at large is sacrificed to the selfishness of the double aristocracy to which we have alluded. If, then, this is their bond of union, what has it to do with Repeal?

CHAPTER X.

English opinions of the Aristocracy.-Principles of Mr. Sturge. -What public principle can unite Mr. O'Connell and Mr. Sturge?-Irish character.-Local Parliaments and Parliamentary Government. Their fatal influence on Ireland. The Italian Republics.-Delusion practised by Mr. O'Connell on the Irish. Unity of purpose conspicuous among the Irish during the Wars of the Roses only.-Excitement exercised by the Priesthood over an imaginative people.-Statute of Kilkenny respecting Newse-tellers.-Mr. O'Connell's views of the separation of Parliamentary government.-Effect of the Ballot in France and Belgium,―The Memory of Ormond assailed by Catholic historians.-Why.-Plea of Mr. Grattan respecting Repeal.-Foreign political connexions of the Irish Catholics.-Offers of the United Irish to the French Government.

Mr. O'Connell's objections to central Government. Usurpations by the French Parliaments of executive authority.- Fancy peculiar to the Irish people.

On the continent of Europe, which has been the theatre of war, this proclaiming of peace to the cottage is well understood to mean the most dreadful devastation, misery, and disquietude. Generally speaking, the public of England, seeing and believing the legislative acts, influenced by the two aristocracies, as not being always absolute folly, but sometimes wisdom, give these authorities credit for having a due regard for their own interest, which must necessarily be, to maintain in progressive prosperity the community which forms the wholesome base, whence has risen that superstructure, the

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envy of the world, the proud aristocracies of Great Britain.

Reader, consider what a kind of Peachum and Locket friendship must be the alliance between friend and citizen Sturge, and citizen O'Connell; if friend Sturge's political economy is wisdom, and is to be carried into effect, how can he pull in an even yoke with an Irish repealer, or with any Irishman who really wishes to relieve the grievances of his country?

Friend Sturge is an out-and-out free-corn trader, he is for the importation, from abroad, of the cheapest food, in exchange for gold or British manufactures. Ireland has neither the one nor other to give; her prosperity depends upon an improved agriculture, and increased demand for agricultural production; every one knows, then, that free-trade principles, to be adopted according to the theory of friend Sturge, would be the absolute ruin of Ireland. Why, a portion of the success and popularity of Mr. O'Connell rose out of disaffection, created in Ireland by Sir R. Peel's tariff, which in a very slight degree, indeed, approached some of the political principles of friend Sturge!

We can only see, in this alliance, that which the Sacred volume forbids-to yoke the ox with the ass. We can easily understand that a personal and pecuniary interest should unite friend Sturge, banker and corndealer, with citizen O'Connell, having a large balance in hand of Repeal rent, for which he is trustee, and, like other honest trustees, bankers, et cætera, might cause the same to fructify in some corn, or other speculation, for whose benefit time alone would develope. But where is the public principle to be found that can unite these respectable private gentlemen?