much? The setting them at quiet could have no other effect, but to heal and unite them in their opposition to their authority: he therefore moved, that they might be left at liberty to fight out their own quarrels, and be kept in a greater dependence on the temporal authority, when both sides were forced to make their appeal to it: so it was resolved to suffer them to meet still in their presbyteries and synods, but not in general assemblies, which had a greater face of union and authority. This advice was followed: so the division went on. Both sides studied, when any church became vacant, to get a man of their own party to be chosen to succeed in the election: and upon these occasions many tumults happened: in some of them stones were thrown, and many were wounded, to the great scandal of religion. In all these disputes the protestors were the fiercer side: for being less in number, they studied to make that up with their fury. In one point they had the other at a great advantage, with relation to their new masters, who required them to give over praying for the king. The protestors were weary of doing it, and submitted very readily: but the others stood out longer; and said, it was a duty lying on them by the covenant, 63 so they could not let it fall. Upon that the English council set out an order, that such as should continue to pray for the king should be denied the help of law to recover their tithes, or, as they called them, their stipends. This touched them in a sensible point: but, that they might not seem to act upon the civil authority, they did enact it in their presbyteries, that since all duties did not oblige at all times, therefore considering the present juncture, in Methods taken on which the king could not protect them, they resolved to discontinue that piece of duty. This exposed them to much censure, since such a carnal consideration as the force of law for their benefices, (which all regard but too much, though few will own it,) seemed to be that which determined them. This great breach among them being rather enboth sides. Couraged than suppressed by those who were in power, all the methods imaginable were used by the protestors to raise their credit among the people. They preached often, and very long and seemed to carry their devotions to a greater sublimity than others did. Their constant topic was, the sad defection and corruption of the judicatories of the church, and they often proposed several expedients for purging it. The truth was, they were more active, and their performances were livelier, than (those of) the public men. They were in nothing more singular than in their communions. In many places the sacrament was discontinued for several years; where they thought the magistracy, or the more eminent of the parish, were engaged in what they called the defection, which was much more looked at than scandal given by bad lives. But where the greatest part was more sound, they gave the sacrament with a new and unusual solemnity. On the Wednesday before they held a fast day, with prayers and sermons for about eight or ten hours together: on the Saturday they had two or three preparation sermons and on the Lord's day they had so very many, that the action continued above twelve hours in some places: and all ended with three or four sermons on Monday for thanksgiving. A great many ministers were brought together from several parts and high pretenders would have gone forty or fifty miles to a noted communion. The crowds were far beyond the capacity of their churches, or the reach of their voices, [and the preaching beyond the capacities of the crowd:] so at the same time they had sermons in two or three different places : and all was performed with great shew of zeal. They had stories of many sequal (signal) conversions that were wrought on these occasions; [whereas others were better believed, who told as many stories of much lewdness among the multitudes that did then run together.] It is scarce credible what an effect this had among the people, to how great a measure of knowledge they were brought, and how readily they could pray 64 extempore, and talk of divine matters. All this tended to raise the credit of the protestors. The resolutioners tried to imitate them in these practices but they were not thought so spiritual, nor so ready at them: so the others had the chief following. Where the judicatories of the church were near an equality of the men of both sides, there were perpetual janglings among them: at last they proceeded to deprive men of both sides, as they were the majority in the judicatories: but because the possession of the church, and the benefice, was to depend on the orders of the temporal courts, both sides made their application to the privy council that Cromwell had set up in Scotland: and they were by them referred to Cromwell himself. So they sent deputies up to London. The protestors went in great numbers: they came nearer both to d I believe the church had as much capacity as the minister. S. the principles and to the temper that prevailed in the army so they were looked on as the better men, on whom, by reason of the first rise of the difference, the government might more certainly depend: whereas the others were considered as more in the king's interests. The resolutioners sent up one Sharp, who had been long in England, and was an active and eager man he had a very small proportion of learning, and was but an indifferent preacher: but having some acquaintance with the presbyterian ministers at London, whom Cromwell was then courting much, by reason of their credit in the city, he was, by an error that proved fatal to the whole party, sent up in their name to London; where he continued for some years soliciting their concerns, and making himself known to all sorts of people. He seemed more than ordinary zealous for presbytery. And, as Cromwell was then designing to make himself king, Dr. Wilkins told me he often said to him, no temporal government could have a sure support without a national church that adhered to it, and he thought England was capable of no constitution but episcopacy; to which, he told me, he did not doubt but Cromwell would have turned, as soon as the design of his kingship was settled. Upon this, Wilkins spoke to Sharp, that it was plain by their breach that presbytery could not be managed so as to maintain order among them, and that an episcopacy must be brought in to settle them: but Sharp could not bear the discourse, and rejected it with horror. I have dwelt longer on this matter, ' Afterwards archbishop, and murdered. S. and opened it more fully, than was necessary, if I Cromwell's From these matters I go next to set down some Some of particulars that I knew concerning Cromwell, that I maxims. have not yet seen in books. Some of these I had from the earls of Carlisle and Orrery: the one had been the captain of his guards: and the other had been the president of his council in Scotland. But he from whom I learned the most was Stouppe, a Grison by birth, then minister of the French church in the Savoy, and afterwards a brigadier general in the French armies: a man of intrigue, but of no virtue: [but he was more a frantic deist, than either protestant or Christian.] He adhered to the protestant religion, as to outward appearance: he was much trusted by Cromwell in foreign affairs; in which Cromwell was oft at a loss, and having no foreign language, but the little Latin that stuck to him from his education, which he spoke very viciously and scantily, had not the necessary means of informing himself. When Cromwell first assumed the government, he had three great parties of the nation all against him, the episcopal, the presbyterian, and the republican party. The last was the most set on his ruin, looking on him as the person that had perfidiously broke the house of commons, and was setting up for himself. He had none to rely on but the army: yet that enthusiastic temper, that he had taken so |