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3. O'er fallen leaves

The west wind grieves,
Yet comes a seed time round again ;

And morn shall see

The state sown free
With baleful tares or healthful grain.

4. Along the street

The shadows meet
Of destiny, whose hands conceal

The molds of fate

That shape the state,
And make or mar the common weal.

5. Around I see

The powers that be;
I stand by empire's primal springs :

And princes meet

In every street, And hear the tread of uncrowned kings !

6. Hark! through the crowd

The laugh runs loud, Beneath the sad, rebuking moon.

God save the land

A careless hand May shake or swerve ere morrow's noon.

7. No jest is this ;

One cast amiss May blast the hope of freedom's year.

O take me where

Are hearts of prayer, And foreheads bowed in reverent fear!

8. Not lightly fall

Beyond recall
The written scrolls a breath can float;

The crowning fact,

The kingliest act,
Of freedom, is the freeman's vote.

9. For pearls that gem

A diadem
The diver in the deep sea dies;

The regal right

We boast to-night
Is ours through costlier sacrifice;

10. The blood of Vane,

His prison pain
Who traced the path the Pilgrim trod,

And hers whose faith

Drew strength from death, And prayed her Russel up to God !

11. Our hearts grow cold :

We lightly hold
A right which brave men died to gain -

The stake, the cord,

The ax, the sword,
Grim nurses at its birth of pain.

12. The shadow rend,

And o'er us bend, O martyrs, with your crowns and palms, –

Breathe through these throngs

Your battle songs, Your scaffold prayers, and dungeon psalms !

13. Look from the sky,

Like God's great eye,
Thou solemn moon, with searching beam,

Till, in the sight

Of thy pure light,
Our mean self-seekings meaner seem.

14. Shame from our hearts

Unworthy arts,-
The fraud designed, the purpose dark;

And smite away

The hands we lay
Profanely on the sacred ark.

15. To party claims

And private aims,
Reveal that august face of truth,

Whereto are given

The age of heaven,
The beauty of immortal youth.

16. So shall our voice

Of sovereign choice
Swell the deep bass of duty done,

And strike the key

Of time to be,
When God and man shall speak as one !

XXXVIII.-AN ORATION ON LA FAYETTE.

CHARLES SUMNER. 1. Overtopping all others in character, La Fayette was conspicuous also in debate. Especially was he aroused when. ever humaŋ liberty was in question; nor did he hesitate to

vindicate the great revolution in France, at once in its principles and in its practical results; boldly declaring that its evils were to be referred, not so much to the bad passions of men, as to those timid counsels which instituted compromise for principle.

2. His parliamentary career was interrupted by an episode which belongs to the poetry of history - his visit to the United States upon the invitation of the American Congress. The Boston poet at that time gave expression to the universal foeling when he said,

We bow not the neck, we bend not the knee,

But our hearts, La Fayette, we surrender to theo. As there never was such a guest, so there never was such a host; and yet, throughout all his transcendent hospitality, binding him by new ties, he kept the loyalty of his hearthe did not forget the African slave. But his country had further need of his services. Charles X. undertook to subvert the charter under which he held his crown, and Paris was again aroused, and France was heaving again. Then did all eyes turn to the patriot farmer of Lagrange — to the hero already of two revolutionsto inspire confidence alike by his bravery and by his principles. Now seventy-three years of age, with a few friends, among whom was a personal friend of my own-whom some of you also know, Dr. Howe, of Boston,-he passed through the streets, where the conflict was hotly raging, and across the barricades, to the City Hall, when he was again placed at the head of the national guard of France.

3. “Liberty shall triumph,” said he in his first proclamation, “or we will perish together.” Charles X. fell before the words of that old man. The destinies of France were again in his hand. He might have made himself Dictator; he might have established a republic of which he might have been chief; but, mindful of that moderation which was the rule of his life, unwilling to hazard again the civil conflict which had drenched France with fraternal blood, he proposed a popular throne surrounded by popular institutions. The Duke of Orleans, as Louis Philippe, became king of France. Unquestionably his own desire was for a republic, upon the American model; but he gave up this darling desire of his heart, satisfied that, at least, liberty was secured. If this was not so, it was because, for a moment, he had put his trust in princes.

4. He again withdrew to his farm, but his heart was wherever liberty was in question, now with the Pole, now with the Italian, now with the African slave. For the rights of the latter he had unfailing sympathy, and upon the principle, as he expressed it, “Every slave has the right of immediate emancipation, by the concession of his master or by force, and this principle no man can call in question.” Tenderly he approached this great question of our own country, but the constancy with which he did it shows that it haunted and perplexed him like a sphynx, with a perpetual riddle. He could not understand how men who had fought for their own liberty could deny liberty to others. But he did not despair ; although at one time in his old age his impatient philanthropy broke forth in the declaration, that he never would have drawn the sword for America had he known that it was to found a government that sanctioned human slavery.

5. The time was now at hand when his great career was to close. Being taken ill, at first with a cold, the Chamber of Deputies inquired of his son after his health; and upon the next day, May 20, 1834, he died, at the age of seventyseven. The ruling passion was strong to the last. As at the beginning, so at the end, he was all for freedom; and the

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