of the alleged grievances which had produced the widespread discontent which then prevailed. The convention was composed of delegates elected by the Legislatures of three of the New England States, and by conventions of the people in the other two. The members of the convention were the ablest representative men of New England. The report, with a copy of the proceedings of the convention, excepting the debates, is published in the volume of Mr. Dwight, who was secretary of the convention.

Upon the question of the primary causes of the discontent, the report says, Events may prove that the causes of our calamities are deep and permanent. They may be found to proceed, not merely from the blindness of prejudice, pride of opinion, violence of party spirit, or the confusion of the times; but they may be traced to implacable combinations of individuals, or of States, to monopolize power and office, and to trample without remorse upon the rights and interests of commercial sections of the Union. When-. ever it shall appear that these causes are radical and permanent, a separation by equitable arrangement will be preferable to an alliance by constraint, among nominal friends, but real enemies, inflamed by mutual hatred and jealousy, and inviting, by intestine divisions, contempt and aggressions from abroad.' Referring to the past policy of the Government, the report says, 'The administration, after a long perseverance in plans to baffle every effort of commercial enterprize, had fatally succeeded in their attempts at the epoch of the war. Commerce, the vital spring of New England's prosperity, was annihilated. Embargoes, restrictions, and the rapacity of revenue officers, had completed its destruction. The various objects for the employment of productive labor, in the branches of business dependent on commerce, have disappeared. The fisheries have shared its fate. Manufactures, which government has professed an intention to favor and to cherish, as an indemnity for the failure of these branches of business, are doomed to struggle in their infancy with taxes and obstructions, which cannot fail most seriously to affect their growth.' Of the danger to which the commercial States, being in the

minority, were subject to, the report says, 'Whatever theories upon the subject of commerce have hitherto divided the opinions of statesmen, experience has at last shown that it is a vital interest in the United States, and that its success is essential to the encouragement of agriculture and manufactures, and to the wealth, finances, defence, and liberty of the nation. Its welfare can never interfere with the other great interests of the State, but must promote and uphold them. Still, those who are immediately concerned in the prosecution of commerce will of necessity be always a minority of the nation. They are, however, best qualified to manage and direct its course by the advantages of experience, and the sense of interest. But they are entirely unable to protect themselves against the sudden and injudicious decisions of bare majorities, and the mistaken or oppressive projects of those who are not actively concerned in its pursuits. Of consequence, this interest is always exposed to be harassed, interrupted, and entirely destroyed upon pretence of securing other interests.' And further, 'No union can be durably cemented, in which every great interest does not find itself reasonably secured against the encroachment and combinations of other interests.'

The convention adopted resolutions recommending the Legislatures of the several States represented to authorize immediate and earnest application to be made to the Government of the United States, requesting its consent to some arrangement whereby these States might assume the defence of their territory, and be allowed a portion of their taxes for the expense of the same; and recommending that the Governors of each of these States be authorized by their Legislatures to raise and equip men for the purpose of repelling any invasion of their territory, which should be made or attempted by the public enemy. It also proposed amendments to the Constitution of the United States to the following effect: 1st. That Representatives and direct taxes should be apportioned among the several States according to their respective numbers of free persons. 2nd. That no new State be admitted without the concurrence of two-thirds of both houses. 3rd. That Congress should not have power

to lay any embargo on vessels for more than sixty days. 4th. That Congress should not have power to interdict commercial intercourse with other countries, without the concurrence of two-thirds of both houses. 5th. That Congress should not make or declare any war with a foreign power, without the concurrence of two-thirds of both houses. 6th. That no person thereafter naturalized, should hold any civil office under the authority of the United States. And 7th. That the same person should not be elected President of the United States a second time, nor a President be elected from the same State twice in succession.

Upon the proposed amendment relating to the admission of new States, the report says, 'This amendment is deemed to be highly important, and in fact indispensable. In proposing it, it is not intended to recognize the right of Congress to admit new States without the original limits of the United States, nor is any idea entertained of disturbing the tranquillity of any State already admitted into the Union. The object is merely to restrain the constitutional power of Congress in admitting new States. At the adoption of the Constitution, a certain balance of power among the original parties was considered to exist, and there was at that time, and yet is among those parties, a strong affinity between their great and general interests. By the admission of these States that balance has been materially affected, and unless the practice be modified, must ultimately be destroyed. The Southern States will first avail themselves of their new confederates to govern the East, and finally the Western States, multiplied in numbers, and augmented in population, will control the interests of the whole. Thus for the sake of present power, the Southern States will be common sufferers with the East, in the loss of permanent advantages. None of the old States can find an interest in creating prematurely an overwhelming Western influence, which may hereafter discern (as it has heretofore) benefits to be derived to them by wars and commercial restrictions.'

The foregoing extracts show plainly the causes to which the convention attributed the discontent of the people of New England, and the permanent remedies they deemed essential for their future protection.

The convention also suggested immediate remedies in the event that its complaints should be unheeded by the Federal Government, which it claimed might be legitimately resorted to. A recurrence to them is important both to show the spirit that actuated the members of the convention and to explain the views of the people of New England at that early period upon the rights of the States.

The report of the convention states, 'That acts of Congress in violation of the constitution are absolutely void, is an undeniable position. It does not, however, consist with the respect and forbearance due from a confederate State towards the General Government, to fly to open resistance upon every infraction of the Constitution. The mode and the energy of the opposition should always conform to the nature of the violation, the intention of its authors, the extent of the injury inflicted, the determination manifested to persist in it, and the danger of delay. But in cases of deliberate, dangerous, and palpable infractions of the Constitution, affecting the sovereignty of a State, and liberties of the people, it is not only the right but the duty of such a State to interpose its authority for their protection, in the manner best calculated to secure that end. When emergencies occur which are either beyond the reach of the judicial tribunals, or too pressing to admit of the delay incident to their forms, States which have no common umpire must be their own judges, and execute their own decisions. It will thus be proper for the several States to await the ultimate disposal of the obnoxious measures recommended by the Secretary of War, or pending before Congress; and so to use their power according to the character these measures shall finally assume, as effectually to protect their own sovereignty, and the rights and liberties of their citizens.' It further claimed in reference to the rights of the respective governments that,.' It is as much the duty of the State authorities to watch over the rights reserved, as of the United States to exercise the powers which are delegated.' The convention further resolved that if the application to the Government of the United States should be unsuccessful, if peace should not be concluded and the defence of

these States should continue to be neglected, then it would, in the opinion of the convention, 'be expedient for the legislatures of the several States to appoint delegates to another convention, to meet at Boston, in the State of Massachusetts, on the third Thursday of June next, with such powers and instructions as the exigency of a crisis so momentous may require.'

The convention adjourned without day, January 5, 1815. A few days after its adjournment, the treaty of peace with Great Britain, which had been signed while the convention was in session, reached this country and was immediately ratified by Congress. Thus happily the immediate cause of dissatisfaction was removed and the discontent allayed.

The passions of the people, which had been intensely excited during the war, soon subsided with its termination. In the general rejoicing upon the return of peace, partisan and sectional animosities were for the time forgotten. James Monroe was elected President in 1816, having received the unanimous vote of every electoral college but three, and reëlected in 1820, having received every elec toral vote but one. The epoch of his administration has been often referred to as the era of good feeling. Yet during this period, causes were at work which were destined to result in discontent of a most formidable character. The exigencies created by the war afforded the opportunity for their developments.

A large public debt had been contracted, for the payment of which it was necessary that extraordinary provisions should be made. In 1816 the Tariff was revised, and the duties on imposts largely increased. The revision was made particularly with a view to revenue, but it necessarily operated to give incidentally increased protection to domestic manufactures. Encouraged by this act, and by the favorable circumstances of the country, manufactures were rapidly developed, and, before the close of President Monroe's administration, constituted an important and influential interest in large sections of the country. With their growth came demands for still further. protection, and in the Congress of 1823 and 1824 a revision