ed

upon to vote for a bill to provide for the maintenance of the royal family and household, out of which the Queen of England herself was to be excluded, after being recognised by the Lord High Chancellor. He would let this pass, but he could not help observing, that either her Majesty was very hardly used, or else that his Majesty was very hardly used. Mr Tierney protested against private funds, out of which additions could be made to the privy purse of his Majesty. He mentioned the Duchies of Cornwall and Lancaster, amounting, the one to 10,000l. and the other to 25,000l. and pointedly referred to the reserved 385,000l. on the droits of Admiralty. Suppose it were represented by Lord Liverpool, or the Chancellor of the Exchequer, that his Majesty wished to add to his property at Brighton a considerable extent of land, and that it was fit that the sum of 20,000l. should be paid into the privy purse for that purpose, who, after it was so paid, could be called upon to account for the appropriation of the money? Did the House think it right that such a power of making direct presents to his Majesty should exist? Mr Tierney concluded: "What may be the consequences of the part I have taken, I neither know nor care; but this I know, that if public confidence be of any value, no man ought to hope for the confidence of the country who does not endeavour to deserve it by fearlessly stating his sentiments in this House. When we were talking of economy and retrenchment, I cannot come down here to take away the salaries of some petty clerks, or to reduce the pensions of a few poor half-pay officers, and shut my eyes to this proceeding, by which such enormous sums are to be voted to his Majesty without inquiry. I know I am doing my duty; and if I am at all ac

quainted with the character of the King, I am sure that he will rather thank me than blame me for the part that I am taking. I say, and I say it without the fear of contradiction, that there are large sums, which, if a proper inquiry were set on foot, might be saved to the country. I say, too, that all ranks are bound to make sacrifices; and, by going into this committee, the House will at once set an example that its great object is economy and public relief, without sparing any quarter, whether high or low. Let it do its duty honestly, fairly, and impartially. I have done mine, and I repeat that I have not done it without great pain to myself."

Mr Canning conceived that on such an occasion the first step to be taken was to examine the precedents of good times. Going back to the Revolution, it was found that the vote of the civil list from the reign of King William to George III. had been carried in this House in the first instance without minute investigation; and the only inference he wished to draw from this fact was, not that the House was bound to follow implicitly the course of precedents, but that those who proposed a deviation were bound to shew the special circumstances that rendered it advisable. An investigation both minute and recent had taken place; and it would be necessary to shew since that time some great exceedings, some mani fest want of economy, or an application for an increase, in order to justify a deviation from the ordinary precedent. What motive was there for the House to interfere with more jealousy now than in the former reign? He appealed to the right honourable gentleman, whether, in his judgment and conscience, he thought, whatever might be the views and characters of public men, there ever was a period in the history of the country when

they were so clear from taint and imputation of a pecuniary kind. He begged leave to remind the House, that supposing the beginning of a reign were a fit opportunity for commencing such an examination, there was nothing to preclude it at any future period when it might be thought necessary there were no instances of committees of this kind at the opening of new reigns, but several in their progress. He conscientiously believed that it was the determination of the illustrious personage concerned to live strictly within the limits prescribed by Parliament; and in asking for no more, he (Mr Canning) did not think that any case had been made out for jealousy on the part of the House, or of discontent on the part of the country.

After a little further conversation, a division took place, when Lord J. Russell's amendment was negatived by a majority of 99: there being for the motion, 157; against it, 156. The original resolutions were then agreed

to.

The bill now proceeded in its different stages through the House. On the 17th May, ministers moved, that the blank amounts should be filled up with 850,000l. for the English civil list, and with 207,000l. for the Irish. This last sum drew forth observations from Sir John Newport, who wished for more information than was contained in the only paper on the subject laid before the House and which be held in his hand. It comprised no less than thirteen classes; and he would call the attention of the House to it, as the most extraordinary classification of a civil list he had ever seen. In 1793, the courts of justice formed one class; here they formed four. The Court of Chancery was divided from the Exchequer, the Exchequer from the King's-Bench, and the King's-Bench from the Common

Pleas. The Admiralty of Ireland consisted of a "judge," who had not been resident in that country for seven years, and was discharging his duty by deputy. Then came a ninth class, "barracks and board of works," for which there was a charge of 33501. This certainly formed one of the classes in the original civil list arrangement; but it then included the LordLieutenant's and the Chief Secretary's house and gardens, which were not intended to be comprised in this list, -and the expense of which, from 20,000l. to 30,000l., was made good by votes of that House. There was, in the class of " state officers," a clause to which he decidedly objected-he meant the Lord-Lieutenant's additional salary of 10,000l. per annum. In saying this, he did not intend to object to it with respect to the present Lord-Lieutenant, because he had accepted of the office under the provisions of the act which had passed some years ago, for increasing the salary; he did however hope, that, when a new Lord-Lieutenant was appointed, care would be taken to omit this additional 10,000l. a-year.

These observations were supported by Mr Tierney, who repeated his objections against voting the English civil list without inquiry. Lord Castlereagh and Mr Charles Grant replied, that the minute specification complained of was merely for the purpose of affording more full information, and could be for no other purpose. Lord C. held in his hand a much more detailed account, which, if called for, he was ready to produce. With regard to the salary of the LordLieutenant, it had been universally agreed that the former amount of 20,000l. was insufficient to defray the expenses of that high office; and it was considered unjust that the person holding it should be obliged to encroach on his private fortune. The

sum of 207,000l. had been carefully examined by the committee of finance, and sinecures to the amount of 17,000l. had been pointed out, which would drop with the present holders, and fall into the consolidated fund.

No division was attempted on the subject, and the bill passed without opposition through its remaining stages. This bill passed very tranquilly through the Lords, partly, no doubt, owing to the more urgent question with which that august House was forthwith occupied. In its prospect, however, the Marquis of Lansdowne, on the 5th May, inquired of Lord Liverpool, whether he intended to move the appointment of a committee of inquiry. The minister replied, that he considered the accounts laid before Parliament in 1816, as containing information sufficient. Lord Lansdowne then urged, that at least the reprinting of these accounts was necessary, and that other information might be called for. Besides economy, he considered the simplification of these accounts as an important object. He wished to render it clear what part of the civil list went to the maintenance of the royal family, and what was applicable to other purposes, or to services more strictly national. Some approximation to this object had been made in 1816, and he approved of the arrangement then adopted to the extent to which it went. But it had stopped short of the point of real utility, that of reducing the civil list to what might be granted for the regular expenditure of the royal family, and leaving out every thing of a fluctuating nature, and all those expenses which were properly national, subject at all times. to the consideration of Parliament. The most proper arrangement, he thought, would be to charge the consolidated fund with every expense

which might be considered national, and to confine the civil list to what should be actually fixed upon for the permanent expenditure of the royal family.

Lord Liverpool observed, in reply, that the settlement of the civil list by a committee of inquiry was altogether without precedent at the commencement of a reign; and their Lordships had at present an advantage never possessed on any former occasion, in consequence of the minute investigation which had taken place in 1816. If the noble marquis referred to that settlement, he would find that every thing had been done with respect to simplification, that was practicable. In every step of the arrangement then made, the public advantage and interest had been maturely considered. The great object was, to take from the civil list and transfer to the consolidated fund various payments for services of a public nature which could be advantageously separated. By this arrangement much improvement in the accounts had been accomplished: but it was proposed that other charges of a fluctuating or uncertain nature, should be voted annually, and thus made subject to the control of Parliament. Upon examination, it would, however, be found, that all the articles of this description were of a peculiar nature, to which such a check could not with propriety be applied. The department most subject to fluctuation in its expenditure was the royal household, and its fluctuation was owing to the same cause that produced a variation in the expenses of any other family, namely, the difference of prices. Now, as to separating the expenses of the royal family from all charges for the maintenance of the civil government, in the manner the noble marquis had proposed,

that was an arrangement, of the propriety of which he entertained very serious doubts. The spirit of the constitution required that the expenditure of the crown should be considered as part of the expenditure of the country. It was doubtless on that ground that the charges for the civil government had been joined to the civil list, and he should therefore consider any attempt to produce a total separation as at least extremely indiscreet.

The accounts were ordered to be reprinted, and no subsequent opposition was made to the bill in the Upper House.

This grand question being adjust ed, it remained only to go through the regular financial arrangements of the year. The first step consisted in the production of the estimates for the different branches of expenditure. On the 17th May, Sir George Warrender produced the navy estimates, which, not differing materially from those of the preceding year, excited little discussion. Previous, how ever, to the production of the military estimates, a motion was made by Colonel Davies, (May 16,) for an inquiry into this branch of expenditure. He did not demand any definite reduction of force, but merely called for inquiry, in which he thought himself entitled to the support of every friend to economy. Every feeling man who looked to the situation of the country, and marked the aggravated distress and misery which abounded in all quarters, must acknowledge that it was high time for those who wished to see a different state of things, to come forward, and call on Parliament to act with vigour and firmness. Whatever appearance the difficulties of the country might assume-whatever shape they might put on-whether they were manifested in the decline of agriculture, of manu.

factures, of commerce, or of them all

still any person who gave a moment's thought to the subject must perceive, at the bottom of all the evil which the country suffered, the disordered state of our finances. He might be told that the committee of finances had, for some years past, taken our military expenditure into consideration. The military expenditure was, however, so extremely complicated, that it would require the attention of a specific committee; and without meaning offence to the finance committee, he must be allowed to say that their exertions had not been efficient-little good had emanated from them. No hopes of reduction, he conceived, could be entertained from ministers, whose interest lay in the extension, not the diminution of power and patronage. Of this a striking proof had been given in the late appointment to the governorship of Gibraltar. In the whole list of sinecures there was not one more decidedly useless than the governorship of that place. It stood almost alone amongst sinecures; so much so, that a Committee of that House some years since recommended that it should be abolished as soon as ever it fell in. Yet, scarcely was the illustrious person who recently held that office deceased, when, with the most extraordinary haste, the vacancy was filled up. And to whom was the situation given ?— The same messenger who carried to the country the account of the decease of the late governor, took with him the appointment of the Earl of Chatham, whose military glories might be summed up in the single fact, that he was commander of the memorable expedition to Walcheren. On looking at the military establishment of 1787, a year corresponding with the present, he found that the whole army, exclusive of India, amounted to 41,921 men; and now, in 1820, it comprised

92,224 men, being considerably more than double the force of the former period; and the expense in the latter time was still greater in proportion. The total expenses for the army, exclusive of extraordinaries, in the last year, was 6,582,6031.; for 1820, it was 6,807,5351.-an increase, as compared with the expenditure of last year, of upwards of 200,000l. They were also to recollect, that corps reduced in the last year occasioned a diminution of expense to the amount of 180,000l., which made the real increase of this year, as compared with the last, upwards of 400,000l. He would not, however, press any reduction, being aware that the general feeling of the House was to consider the increase as rendered necessary by the state of the country. Yet he was himself firmly convinced, that the tranquillity of the country could be preserved without the aid of a standing army. In no part of the empire had disaffection manifested itself by more alarming symptoms than in Scotland, yet the army there never amounted to more than 3000 men; and with that comparatively small regular force, aided by the inhabitants, who came forward to defend their homes and families, the peace of the country, with little exception, had been preserved. He wished the people in the South would act in the same manner. It was because the people in Scotland had stood forward as yeomen and volunteers, that peace and quietness were maintained. He found that those who had come forward voluntarily in Scotland amounted to 3700 men. If the people of England would act as the inhabitants of Scotland had done, they would soon put an end to all disturbance. The nineteen regiments of cavalry now kept up, comprising 11,000 men, appeared to him very superfluous. There were three regiments stationed at Hounslow, and on

the east coast of Essex, for which he could see no occasion, as 2000 seamen were sufficient to put down smuggling. In every cavalry regiment there might, he conceived, be spared, 46 dismounted men, and the second major; this would produce an annual saving of 80,000l. In the infantry, by dismissing the second majors, and forming the regiments into eight companies instead of ten, a saving of 60 or 70,000%. a-year might be made. The waggontrain was of no earthly use. Every man must be convinced of the absolute absurdity of keeping up such a body at present. During the war they were employed to carry the sick, and to assist the military in their movements. But now, when a regiment scarcely removed once in a twelvemonth, they were evidently of no use. By reducing this useless corps, the country would save 10,000l. a-year. The engineer corps was the most expensive in the army, and though it might be impolitic to part with the officers, who were men of education, why not reduce the men? The intricacy of the accounts in the recruiting department rendered a greater number of clerks necessary. The staff appeared to him too numerous. There were double the number of adjutantgenerals in Ireland as in England; and in the Leeward Islands there were three general officers, while in Jamaica there was only one. The office of paymaster-general appeared to him useless. In the war-office, to which he now requested attention, the charge was 57,880l. In 1806, a deputy secretary and 112 clerks had been in the war-office, and the expense had been 30,000l. Now, the number of clerks was increased from 112 to 147, and the expenses were 48,000l. After touching on various minor points, he came to the military college. It had been reduced, but further reduction might yet be made. The senior de