kingdom, to which was guaranteed all its | to be apprehended in the nineteenth century. nationality, but of which the Emperor was simply the protector. The new order of things in the Pays Bas will also be founded on a national representation, What, then, have been the events, what to which many of its provinces have been for the changes in feeling, in conviction, what a long time accustomed, and which cannot the differences of opinion, what the facts and produce any great commotion among two circumstances, what the chain of arguments, people equally calm by nature, and who, alwhich together should have led to so great though possessing unquestionably different an alteration as that we now behold between habits, have an identity of moral principles." Poland as she was to have been, and Poland Such sentiments as these appeared so philoas she is? When the Grand Duke Con- sophical, as well as so natural and reasonastantine, on the 11th November, 1814, ble, that it was only necessary to state them issued a proclamation, in which he said to to secure their triumph; and although the the Poles, "The Emperor, your powerful Prince de Metternich was justly locked up protector, calls upon you! Re-assemble to as the great defender at the congress of yourselves around your standards! Let your the principles and dogmas of the Roman arms prepare themselves for the defence of Catholic Church, still he did not hesitate, your country, for the preservation of your fully and heartily, to consent to the union of political existence !" The Poles cried, Catholic Belgium with Protestant Holland, Long live the Emperor !" and the Count under the dominion of a Protestant dynasty! de Nesselrode declared that eight millions of Poles were resolved to defend the independence of their country. When such facts, and when such declarations, are compared with the events which have transpired during the last fourteen years, we may feel assured that the secret history of the relation of the Poles to Russia, and of Russia to Poland, has yet to be written. The promises of 1814 were made in sincerity; why have they not been accomplished in a period of thirty years? Alas! that events should since have demonstrated that the spirit of intolerance in the Romish Church still survives, and that the Prince de Metternich should have confounded the cessation of persecution itself with the destruction of the principle on which it is founded. The latter remained, and that spirit it was which in 1830 drove from the throne of the Pays Bas one of the wisest and best of kings. In the negotiations which took place at The creation of the kingdom of the PAYS the congress of Vienna relative to the slaveBAS was another of those subjects to which trade treaties, the Prince de Metternich was the Prince de Metternich devoted the ener- applied to by the courts of Spain and Portugies of his mind. Lord Castlereagh, with his gal to oppose the measures proposed by the usual discernment and skill, saw from the first Duke of Wellington. The Spanish plenipothe importance of this measure, and hasten- tentiary, Salvador, sought to render all meaed, on behalf of Great Britain, to give indu-sures for the abolition of the slave-trade unbitable evidence of his sincerity and his dis- availing, by demanding that it should be deinterestedness, by placing such colonial pos-clared that each government should itself sessions in the power of the king of the Pays judge what was the suitable epoch for putBas as were desirable for him to possess. ting such law or treaty into effect. And the At the Congress some attempts were made Portuguese representative, Palmella, adopted to excite Prince de Metternich to believe, the same line of argument, and made the and to act upon that belief, that the real amal- same objection, appealing to the Prince de gamation of Holland and of Belgium was im- Metternich, as the representative of Catholic possible, on account of the difference of their states and of Catholic interests, to support interests, and of their religious opinions. But them in their opposition. But vain were on one of those occasions, the Prince de Met- their hopes. The Prince de Metternich ternich replied, that it was not necessary that joined heartily in the measures pointed out the interests of two united countries should be by the Duke of Wellington, who had then the same, provided they did not oppose and in- taken the place of Lord Castlereagh at the jure each other. "The speculating genius of congress. The Prince, on one occasion, exthe Dutch," he said, "will give a prompt circu-pressed himself so decidedly to Palmella in lation to the riches of the soil of Belgium, and these will require the navigation of the Scheldt, and a participation in the commerce with the colonies. Toleration," he also observed, "will bring about the support and strengthening of the Christian faith. That which was to be feared in the sixteenth is not favor of British views, that it is said, as he left the Austrian diplomatist, he raised his shoulders and exclaimed, "It is useless, when the court of Vienna is liberal." But I must hasten to conclude the first portion of my "Reminiscences of the Prince de Metternich," and I cannot do so better than by supplying the readers of REGINA | and in that respect neither I nor any noblewith an interesting conversation which took man in the land has the smallest advantage place at the period of the congress between over a peasant. Nor have we every small the prince and an English gentleman, on the branch of the provincial administration, as in all-important and interesting topic of the France, centralized in the capital. The people form of government, under which the people have their municipal privileges, and they exerof a country are likely to enjoy the most of cise them without our interference. We never, happiness and comfort. in fact, interfere, except complaints are made to us against the injustice of these in office." PART II. The conversation turned on the easy condition, the tranquillity and the absence of poverty, and the generally affluent state of the Austrian population. The English gen tleman admitted this. : Prince Metternich said-" You have been in Hungary there they have a legislature with a first and second chamber. Does it clothe, feed, or protect the people? Is agriculture in the same improved state? Are manufactures in as thriving a condition as in Austria and Bohemia? both of which you have also travelled over." The English Gentleman admitted "that Hungary with the most abundant natural resources, had the most wretched populace, that her agriculture was in a rude state, and as for manufactures, that they could scarcely be said to exist; and, further, that to the legislature of Hungary all these evils might be attributed." Prince Metternich.—“I am happy to hear these admissions." The part which England took in the long and might struggle against the despotism of democracy, the efforts of ambition, the injustice and oppression of France towards many lands and people, the iniquitous tyranny of Napoleon Buonaparte and his satellites and slaves; and the sacrifices that same England made in behalf of true freedom and European order, peace, and justice, have not been brought sufficiently before the minds of our young men now advancing from eighteen to thirty. They have heard of a national debt of eight hundred millions of pounds sterling; but they have also "heard that the sum was expended in unjust and unnecessary wars." Many of them-tens of thousands—have not been undeceived; and SO LIE FIRST has obtained a very general circulation. They have heard of a HOLY ALLIANCE, and have been told that Lord Castlereagh and the Duke of Wellington joined "the Despots of the North" to make war on the liberties of Germany, Poland, Italy, Switzerland, Spain, and Portugal. Tens of thousands of our healthy and stalwart young men believe this,-for no one has set about proving to them the contrary; and so LIE SECOND has obtained currency. They have been told, that Buonaparte was a deliverer: that he had sublime notions of government; that he wished to emancipate the world; and that he carried on single-handed a mighty war against armed Prince Metternich.-" Among us, in Aus- sovereigns, in order eventually to establish the tria, our policy is to extend all possible ma-independence and the happiness of the people. terial happiness to the whole population, to Now, if popular books had been written leave them nothing to desire in that way, to in profusion, and circulated cheaply by hunadminister the laws patriarchally, to prevent dreds of thousands of copies, giving to the their tranquillity from being disturbed, and to young men of our epoch facts, documents, unmaintain the national happiness as it at pres-deniable events, all showing the contrary, LIE ent exists. Is it not delightful to see those THIRD Would not now be believed in as it is people looking so contented," continued he, by those who are soon about to become the turning round to the next window, and point- fathers of the next generation. These same ing to the groups walking on the terrace of young men have heard that England would the Volksgarten immediately before his pal- have been richer, happier, and more respectace; 'so much in the possession of what ed, provided she had remained neutral from makes them comfortable, so well fed, so well the very commencement, in the long Euroclad, so quiet, and so religiously observant of pean struggle of which I write, and that our order? If they are injured in their persons, manufacturers would not now be struggling or in their property, they have immediate with closed markets and against high protectand unexpensive redress before our tribunals; ing duties levied by foreign governments on The English Gentleman.-"Yes; but the legislative constitution of Hungary is not a constitution constructed according to British ideas. It is a legislature which protects the nobility in all their privileges, that frees them from taxation, from liabilities as to the payment of their debts, from arrest, and from all compulsory service. Of the eleven milions of inhabitants, ten are in no way protected by that constitution; while they endure all the public burdens, and all the tyranny of their lords." English produce; and that our garners would the governments of that epoch you are in- It has not been sufficiently impressed on Now, although ignorance is at all times an the minds of the young men who have grown evil, and though it were well worth while to up since 1815, that the conflict in which take all the pains I would have public writers Great Britain was engaged was on the side and public lecturers take, simply to convince of true liberty, and against Gallic despothese our young men that they are most of tism. There has been a far too general them holding very erroneous opinions with mixing up in their minds of things essentialregard to what I shall call the war of Euro-ly different. They have been taught to pean liberty and independence against think with enthusiasm of a certain revolution France and despotic democracy, from 1793 of 1788, and have vague and confused noto 1815,—yet there are other reasons why I tions of Europe arming against French libernow call on public writers and public lectu- ties. The name of Napoleon has been surrers to take up this capital and momentous rounded by a sort of halo; and Sir Walter subject, and those reasons I shall state as Scott has lost with them much of the popufollows: 1. Ignorance is hereditary, and the larity he acquired by his works of imaginanext generation may receive from this the er- tion, because of Buonaparte he spoke with roneous opinions now generally entertained fearlessness and truth. Even English writers by our youths of from eighteen to twenty-five. and lecturers have sought to tarnish the fame 2. This ignorance leads to dissatisfaction, and glory of our heroes of Waterloo by mis-to the diminishing the love of country-representing the facts of the battle, or by asto the gradual extermination of patriotism,-to indifference to the great and glorious actions of our noble and true patriots, -to a preference of the chivalry or the renown of the great men of other countries to those of our own,-to a continued want of understanding of foreign events as they now arise, to constant surprise at facts which are the natural consequences of antecedent events, and to a want of confidence in the government of our own country, and a want of gratitude to the living, or to the memories of the departed great men who, in the hands of Providence, saved this country during a period of twenty years from rebellion, starvation, invasion, bankruptcy, and ruin. 3. This ignorance is often the prelude to disaffection. "The government has done nothing for me," eries a broad-shouldered man of twenty-two; "then why should I do any thing, or care any thing, for the government?" Ignorant creature! Why, if you knew the real nature of this contest in which England was engaged from 1793 to 1815, you would know that to cribing to Prussia and to Marshal Blucher honors which were not exclusively their due. But above and before all things, the young men born since 1815 have not been taught, as they ought to have been, that we fought for the independence of nations; that we were engaged in a struggle for liberty; that the revolution of 1788 became degraded by the butcheries of 1793, and by the iron despotism of imperial usurpation. Great Britain and her allies did not seek to enslave Europe, but to guard her freedom and defend her people from tyranny. If the young men of this generation had been well-instructed, they would have known that there is not a single country in Europe in which the conflict was not sustained, and that the vassals of the French republic, or of the French Empire, were compelled to lend their aid, frequently against their evident and palpable interests, to crush their own rising hopes, and fasten chains round their own necks. They would be able to take the map of Europe, and, commencing with Norway, and terminating with Con stantinople, they would point at multitudin- the wonderful exploits of our army and our ous spots over all the European continent, navy, and the prodigies of valor which they and say, "There was fought a memorable performed. In the cottages of France I have battle for the independence of that mon- observed some thousand of times, whether on archy;" and "there for the liberties of that the Jura, the Alps, or the Pyrenees,-whethfree city, or of that republic:" and "there er in the cold districts of Picardy and the for the hereditary rights and privileges of Pas-de-Calais, or in the luxurious climate of that whole district of mountaineers;" and the south,-in fine, every where throughout "there for the rights of the local govern- that country, small pictures hanging here and ment of that town;" and "there for the in- there perpetuating the memories of great batdependent existence of that people;" and, in tles and of distinguished heroes. Even travfact, they would find that not merely did we ellers who visit these spots and that people, fight and rally against French usurpation become unavoidably interested in the little and conquest, but we likewise fought and pictures, and through them in the events they rallied for the cause of the independence of record. But the Englishman forgets, from each people, and for their separate enjoyment the absence of similar pictures at home, that of such forms of government as they respect- he has far greater causes for pride and satisively approved. We did not fight to propa-faction than any Frenchman possesses; and gandize monarchical principles; we did not unconsciously he joins in the praise of Napofight to introduce one form of government leon, as "the" hero of the nineteenth centuamongst all nations; we did not fight even to ry. The waste of human life, and the slaughmaintain the status quo, however desirable it ter of defenceless victims, to gratify his thirst might generally be, when there was an evi- for blood, his vengeance, or his love of condent repugnance to it: and the history of quest, are forgotten. It is forgotten, too, and nearly every smaller state in Europe during often not known, that Buonaparte hated libthe period to which I allude abundantly con-erty, abhorred moderate and constitutional firms my observations. that period, rejoiced at British successes, delighted at French and at democratic defeat, and would have had all their sympathies enlisted not for Napoleon and the French, for the French revolution and the aggressions it made on all independent territories and people, but would have been, as they must be brought to become, deeply interested in the strength and stability of all Conservative governments; since they would have known and felt that to such governments are they indebt governments, and knew no law but his own It would be an interesting and invaluable will,-that will being alone subject to his own task for a man well versed in the history of restless desire and thirst for conquest. Now, Europe during the last fifty years, to write a if our young men born since 1815 had been popular account of the truly popular policy of well instructed in the history of every war our governments during that time. It should, from 1793 to that epoch, they would have if rightly written, be mixed up with an ac-sympathized with British governments during count of the multiplied attacks made by what are falsely called liberal governments upon the rights, liberties, and independence of peoples and states during that epoch. It should be shown, as it could be, that governments representing themselves to be of an emancipating and liberalizing character, had made the most daring attacks on the national independence of states; and that to the Conservative principle the Prussians, the whole of the smaller states of Germany, Holland, the lesser northern powers, the Swiss, the Span-ed for all their liberties. ish, and the Portuguese, are indebted for all The Prince de Metternich was one of those the national institutions they continue to pos- men who rightly estimated and judged beforeWhether those institutions are monar-hand the character and results of the French chical in the most absolute sense, or republi- revolution: and he was not mistaken in any can in their largest acceptation, has nothing of his anticipations. He was and is one who whatever to do with the question. If the peo- has justly and fully comprehended the events ple of a country love the unity and strength of the last fifty years. He was not deceived of an absolute monarchy, they are as much op- by the fair and specious promises of the French pressed by having what is termed among us republican commissioners at Rastadt. As a liberal and constitutional monarchy forced early as that epoch he examined and judged upon them, as the Swiss would be oppressed the republic and its agents. He was not deby becoming the slaves of a French usurper.ceived by the civility, intimidated by the But, besides all this, the young men who threats, or cajoled by the false promises, of have been born since 1815 have not had in- the representative of the French republic. In stilled into their minds, and brought to their politeness, indeed, he allowed none to surpass inmost hearts, as ought to have been done, him; but when the real question came to be sess. especially of French influence. In Germany, too, they have their cheap popular prints and painted pictures of their battles, their heroes, and their princes; and this noble and beneficial sentiment of nationality is rapidly on the increase. discussed, whether France should or should precisely the same sort of feeling with regard not dictate to Germany and to Europe the to Germany, as united and confederate Gerterms both of territory and of peace, then the many," that he has inculcated and encouragprince demonstrated by his consummate tact ed since 1815; and it is for this reason, prinand skill, that he had a perfect insight into cipally, that there is now so much more of the secret intentions of "liberal" and demo- that nationality in Germany than there was cratic France. And the prince has constant- from 1788 to 1815. Into whatever part of ly kept before the eyes, not only of the Aus- Germany you now travel you will find the intrian, but of the German people generally, habitants of each state essentially belonging what was the real character of the contest in in heart to that state. The Bavarian is eswhich they were, and had been engaged. sentially Bavarian; the Wurtembergians are The Germans know to a man that they fought essentially Wurtembergians; the Hessians, for liberty, and that the governments, called Hessians; the Hanoverians, Hanoverians; despotic, defended and protected the people and so on; because, in proportion as the real against conquest and oppression. The young character of the war from 1793 to 1815 is men of Germany born since 1815 are far bet-known in Germany by the young men of from ter acquainted than are our young men of 1815 to 1844, in the same proportion is there England of the same period with the history a deep horror of all foreign intervention, and of events from 1793 to 1815. Many of the German youth, indeed, have chimerical notions and absurd and preposterous ideas on the right of government; but, at any rate, they are essentially anti-French; know well to what a degraded state French power had reduced their fathers, and are prepared to de- I should like, then, to see all the walls of fend "the Rhine" as the boundary they will our cottages and farm-houses, and all our not relinquish. The prince de Metternich workshops and manufactories in which massis one of the great men to whom Germany is es of men, women, and children, are congreindebted for the preservation in the minds of gated together, covered with pictures of a her present youth of the leading events of the character to popularize the events of from war of independence, and for the training 1788 to 1815, to depict the noble battles for they have received at all the universities in the independence of nations as against revoluthe love of German union and German nation- tion, and against the despotism of democracy, ality. And those youth know right well that in which we were engaged, and in which we to English blood, treasure, and bravery, are conquered, and to contain at the foot of each, they indebted, worked upon and brought into brief and correct statements of the consequenplay as they were by British Conservative ces of such battles, as favorable to the indegovernments, for those independent constitu- pendence of nations. I should like to see the tions, and for those national German institu- portraits of all our illustrious generals and tions they now enjoy. Thus, whether we look admirals, and other officers and even sub-offiat Prince de Metternich at Vienna, or exam-cers, made familiar to the public mind, with ine him at Rastadt, we shall find him invariably and essentially German; but German, nevertheless, with great systems of European improvement and happiness in his mind, still subjected to the invariable and eternal principles of law, justice, and order. brief records of their noble and daring deeds of national and patriotic courage. I should like to see at our public schools the portraits and busts of the great men who aided in the mighty struggle of life and death from 1793 to 1815, in favor of the independence of EuThe Prince de Metternich is a great advo- ropean nations and people. I should like to cate for nationality, and, moreover, for that see the whole history of the Spanish war of feeling of nationality for which I have been independence depicted in popular pictures contending in the introductory observations with popular explanations, identifying our to this article. He loves to see each nation own great British heroes with the astonishing with its own colors, language, systems of edu- battles of that period. There has been for cation, national games, markets, costumes, some time past a series of efforts going on to customs, and provincial rights and privileges. detach English hearts from the English land. He loves to see a deep affection for these ex- Some have labored to convince the English isting in the hearts of the people. He loves young men that they would be much happier to see the fairs and fetes-the great assem- abroad. Others have endeavored to convince blages for business and amusement so well them that our rich fine land is not rich or fine known to Germany-because these are not enough to supply them with food. The Antipolitical, but social and national. Now, it is Corn-law-League has sought to poison their |