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rose to distinction during the time of Henry | his diplomatic career. Such views were not the Holy, the last of the Saxon emperors. in accordance with the ambition of Napoleon, The family possessed the country from the nor with the spirit of his restless and belMoselle to Handsruck; and Lothar, one of ligerent subjects; and the Austrian ambasthe founders of the family, was, from 1599 to sador returned to Vienna. Soon afterwards 1623, Archbishop and Elector of Treves. he arranged the preliminaries of that forced
The present Prince de Metternich is the son peace, which gave Napoleon still greater powof Francis George Metternich, the first prince er over Austria, and emboldened him not only of that house, who was born in Coblentz to demand, but enabled him to insist on in 1746. The subject of these reminiscen- being married to a princess of the house of ces was born in the same city, and studied, Hapsburg. after a careful preparatory education, at the The Russian campaign having proved disuniversity of Strasburgh. He was present, astrous to Napoleon, and the Austrian cabiwith his father, at the coronation of the Em- net having, at first, undertaken a position of peror Leopold, in 1790, at Frankfort-on-the- mediation, Count Metternich endeavored to Maine. His younger years were sedulously bring about a cessation of hostilities. There devoted to the study of international law, and can be no doubt but the matrimonial alliance to the principles of government. These between Napoleon and the daughter of the studies were conducted at the university of Emperor of Austria led to this movement; Mayence. In the year 1792, he was, like- but the usurper continued as haughty as if he wise, present at the coronation of the late had conquered Russia; and Prussia took her Emperor Francis II ; and he then assisted ground with a nobleness which more than his father in his administration, and subse- compensated for her desertion of Austria on quently visited several European courts, re- a former occasion. The most distinguished maining some time in England. The disas- period of the Prince de Metternich's life now ters carried into the Rhenish countries by the commenced; first, by his arranging the French armies dispossessed his family. In Quadruple Alliance treaty at Töplitz; and, 1794, his talents obtained for him a post at sec
econd, after the battle of Leipsic, in followthe imperial court; and in the following year ing up those measures, in which he was perhe was married to Mary Eleonora, daughter sonally engaged, with incessant vigilance at of Prince Ernest of Kaunitz-Rittberg, and Frankfort, Friburg, Basle, Langres, Chauthe granddaughter of the imperial chancellor. mont, at the convention of Fontainebleau, His diplomatic career commenced in 1797-8, and at the peace
of Paris. when sent by the emperor as plenipotentiary From Paris he accompanied the allied soveto the congress at Radstadt. His talents and reigns to England, and the time he spent policy at that congress I shall hereafter ex- amongst us was devoted by him to observing amine, and shall content myself for the mo- the state of the United Kingdom in regard to ment, by drawing a rapid and general sketch our social and national condition. The faof the outline of his life to the year 1814, nous congress of Vienna, which opened in with which I have commenced these Remi- the October following the treaty of May, Discences.
1814, was that in which, as president and neHostilities between Austria and France gociator, his diplomatic abilites were displayhaving broken out, in consequence of Aused in the most distinguished and extraordinätria adhering to the coalition between Eng- ry manner. And, although somewhat out of land and Russia, Count Metternich left Ber- order of date, I propose devoting the first lin, when the third coalition of Prussia with portion of my Reminiscences of this celebratBuonaparte had been ratified. In 1806, after ed man rather to the middle, than to the the humiliating peace of Presburg, which commencement, or decline, of his life; and ceded Venice and the Tyrol to Napoleon, shall, in my next article, trace him more Count Metternich, under the title of Earl of fully from the beginning of his diplomatic Coblentz, proceeded as ambassador to Paris, career, to the time when to him were confidwhere he had one of the most difficult parts ed by the Emperor of Austria the many to play with the haughty and victorious usur- thorny positions connected with the congress per, and with so skilful and impenetrable of Vienna. a foreign minister as Prince de Talleyrand. I shall, likewise, in that second portion of The Count de Metternich could not, un- my Reminiscences, examine his conduct at doubtedly, prevent the disastrous war which the congress of Rastadt, look into his probroke out, in 1809, between Austria and ceedings and policy from 1815 to 1830, deFrance. Yet peace, on the one hand, and scribe him as the negotiator with the evothe supremacy of Austria in Germany on the lutionary party, and trace him to the present other, were, at all times, the great objects of time, when, at the good old age of seventy15 RELA). This shall be dige *2, and with..at partialıts
2938 became oor of the leadır: 2 200 Tess of Pieana, he car. As a perfeci kaowledur!
There were the separa: snee eccluded in October 1-133 ukio: Barania. There was the
38 ef te la of Virember, 1-1.3, 8 sa zod Wirtemberg. There
* a federal coostitut, a five r 500r ned by the Prince of
Prince de Metternich, at a othed and takto place at Baden. a Tizze was the treaty of Paris
14 And, in one wurd, a muiCats were to be consuited, D Des recognised to be discuss 23, ar maintained. With all of
20 of the reminiscences was
one, he is enjoying the confidence of his sov-repeatedly defended the rights of German ereign, the respect of all his fellow-subjects, citizens when they were most in peril. He and, I may add, the gratitude of Europe. was a friend to Poland, to the free towns
Before, however, I proceed to detail the and cities of Germany, to petty princes, and memorable part he took at the congress of to smaller states; and whilst he has invariaVienna, and, in regard to all its proceedings, bly proclaimed the absolute principle as the it is necessary clearly to state what are the one most favorable to the happiness of civilprinciples, invariable and decided, of the ized man, he has bent to circumstances, prince. He does not believe that political yielded to facts, and sought to render events, liberty is essential to the happiness, honor, which he regarded as calamities, as little caor dignity of man. He does not believe that lamitous as possible. the nations which have enjoyed the greatest
There are certain prevalent opinions with degree of this political liberty, have been the regard to the Prince de Metternich, which I wisest, most virtuous, or most happy. He shall attack indirectly. And I prefer this does not believe that the material wants and line of proceeding, because I desire rather comforts of the people are so well, or so in- that the incontrovertible facts I shall adduce variably attended to under a constitutional, should speak for themselves, and thus meet as beneath the sway of an absolute monarch. the objections which are made to the views He believes that the liberty which the people and policy of the prince, than that any mere ought to enjoy every where, is the liberty of eulogy or defence on my part should even be making the most of their labor, the liberty of believed and adopted. The Prince de Metenjoying all they acquire, the liberty of wor- ternich is a very great man. He has been shipping God according to the forms and cer- mixed up, ardently, zealously, perseveringly, emonies of the Romish Church, the liberty in all the events of the last fifty years. Durof enjoying all social and family comforts, ing that half century he has been one of the without any arbitrary infringement or exac-political chiefs of Europe and the world. tions, the liberty of free action in all things. He has fought the battle of the monarchy which are not opposed to the laws of the with a zeal, discretion, energy, and forbearstate, and the liberty of forming those relation
him to be a consummate ships and ties, which ensure to man his statesman. He is now reposing on his laugreatest amount of mere worldly enjoyment. rels. He is now witnessing the success of But he does not believe in republicanism or his monarchical policy and measures. And federalism. He does not believe in constitu- it will surely be interesting to contemplate tional monarchies. He does not believe in such a man at one of the most interesting the three powers in the government of a periods of ancient or modern history—I mean
He does not believe in the action of at the time of the congress of Vienna. such a government for the welfare of a peo
The Prince de Metternich was unquestionple. He is of opinion that the unrestrained liberty of the press is much more injurious ably one of the most distinguished actors in than beneficial. He is a friend to education, had studied Europe with long and sustained
the great drama of the Vienna congress. He but it must be of a Roman Catholic character. He believes not only in the possibility,
attention. He was perfectly familiar with the but in the certainty of men being most hap- difficulties, whether moral, social, physical,
He py, when they pay the least attention to their or political, appertaining to each state. political institutions.
had watched with care the demands made by He believes that civil
rash people of their respective governments, ization should by no means be identified with what he regards as revolutionary principles. during the war which had raged for so long He believes that no man really feels that
a period. And he was fully prepared to dis
politically, free institutions are essential to his cuss their wants, to combat their prejudices, happiness, as is food, and as are comfortable and to relieve positive and undoubted evils: dwellings, family associations, religious in- He knew not less intimately the relations of struction, and protection in the enjoyment of European governments the one to the other :
the changes which had been brought about his personal freedom, his fortune, and his life. He believes that the absolute principle, by the events which had transpired since assures to man a far greater amount of hap- which must take place, before any thing ap
1789; and the further important changes piness, than either the democratic or the constitutional principle; and he, therefore, has proaching to a settlement of Europe could be
said to be effected. devoted a large portion of his life to its defence and maintenance. But he is no tyrant.
Let us now see him at work. Let us watch He is no lover of despotism. He invariably him before the congress. Let us move with opposes all tendencies to tyranny. He has him through the various stages of the history
Pozd the proceedings of the sit**oatee appunted to superin
of the German states, and **** composed of he plent
de diena, Prussia, Bararia, ? Tremberg! We find that e beench was the man who time
pened the conferences:
: the basis of a Germanic s lė be agreed on; that he it Pod tout the committee shawis: ***2 representatives of the five 11224: that he insisted that the pas ou cat to, and must, submit pasts: and be it was who copia the representative of Prus-12, and the organization of the GerA, which were subsequently sa adopted by the other mem
plus committee. "atasador of the King of Wirmeget on the night of the king, his
poplace of the King of Hano-T
ha donace de Metternich who de
Siireen and amongst each other
mittee, and to form one of
obchoeir Earupean relations, in
nad Duke of Baden claimed, admitted to the conferences
ra the Prince de Metternich eat additi'o thereto. "The tra ciass," said the prince, moesticut the committee, are, V nie suitable propos
Against this decision es portested; and the name of
pronounced with of the lesser German
German states of the sec
of that great assembly. This shall be done tentates. “What care I ?" exclaimed the without prejudice, and without partiality. prince, on one occasion, " for the indignation
When the prince became one of the leading of the Grand Duke of Baden? We do not members of the congress of Vienna, he car- want a congress of republics, but a congress ried to that congress a perfect knowledge of of sovereigns." existing treaties. There were the separate When it was suggested that the states of and secret articles concluded in October 1813 the second and third class should, neverthebetween Austria and Bavaria. There was the less, be, from day to day, or from time to time, treaty of alliance of the 2d of November, 1813, kept informed relative to the decisions of the between Austria and Wirtemberg. There German commitee, it was Prince de Metterwas the project of a federal constitution for nich who said, “No; it is our duty, on the Germany communicated by the Prince of contrary, to keep all our decisions entirely Hardenberg to the Prince de Metternich, at a secret; and even none of us five, who consticonference which had taken place at Baden, tute the committee, ought to have the right to in Austria. There was the treaty of Paris submit any proposition to our respective of May 30, 1814. And, in one word, a mul- courts, until the projected constitution shall titude of documents were to be consulted, be complete. Then, let each representative and the claims they recognised to be discuss apply tɔ his government for its definitive ined and altered, or maintained. With all of structions." these the subject of these reminiscences was When the project of twelve articles agreed perfectly familiar.
upon between Austria and Prussia came on Do we examine the proceedings of the sit- for discussion, it was Prince de Metternich tings of the committee appointed to superin- who defended each clause. In the Prince de tend the affairs of the German states, and Wrede he found an able and zealous dispu
which committee was composed of the pleni- tant; but the close reasoning of the Austrian | potentiaries of Austria, Prussia, Bavaria, diplomatist almost invariably prevailed. The
Hanover, and Wirtemberg ? We find that right of Austria to have two votes, and of Prince de Metternich was the man who took Prussia to have the same number, at the dethe lead; that he opened the conferences; liberations of the German confederations, was that he proposed that the basis of a Germanic maintained with great vigor by the prince. confederation should be agreed on; that he it When the minister of Wirtemberg insisted was who submitted that the committee should before the committee, that it was not necesbe limited to the representatives of the five sary to fix the rights of German subjects by powers just named; that he insisted that the any declaration of those rights, it was the secondary powers ought to, and must, submit Prince de Metternich who replied, to their decisions; and he it was who con- “In my opinion, it is absolutely necessary to cocted, with the representative of Prussia, fix those rights. In the ancient constitution of those articles for the organization of the Ger- Germany, certain rights were guaranteed to all man Cor.federation, which were subsequently German subjects; but in these later tiines, in submitted to and adopted by the other mem- been introduced, from the continuance of which
some of the states, oppressive measures have bers of the German committee. When the ambassador of the King of Wir-stance, in some states it has been ordained that
the people ought to be guaranteed. For intemberg insisted on the right of the king, his persons possessing property must pass a portion master, to precedence of the King of Hano- of every year in the capitals of those states. ver, it was the Prince de Metternich who de- This cannot be longer tolerated. Indeed, in some clared,“ that between and amongst each other cases, where men of property have possessions all kings were equal.”
in four or five different states, how is it possible When the Grand Duke of Baden claimed, that they should obey such requisitions ? as of right, to be admitted to the conferences That was a noble document, and worthy of of the German committee, and to form one of an enlightened monarch, a powerful governtheir number, it was the Prince de Metternich ment, and a free people, which the Counts of who opposed any addition thereto. “ The Munster and Hardenberg were directed to states of the first class," said the prince, present, as the two plenipotentiaries of the "called
upon to constitute the committee, are, prince regent, then also Prince Regent of in consequence of their European relations, in Hanover, to the committee of the five Gera far better position to make suitable propo- man courts, on the 21st of October, 1814. sitions than are the German states of the sec- I question greatly whether those Whigs ond and third class.” Against this decision who made it their constant business to libel the smaller states protested ; and the name of the government of the prince regent, and to Prince de Metternich was pronounced with represent him as a despot, would have dared anger by very many of the lesser German po- to have made use of such language as the fol
asi, at the period of the sa
. This fringe Ged,
a secret arucie of the treats aceed France to accede to
Can the "alles should agree DE Lch had been conqueted : Ir Prince de Tailerrand ifs:et. :
must be undepo
senyal letter written to him lowing, and which I extract from the state on the 26th of October, 1814, that such a paper in question :constitution was no longer possible or appli
sinyal delander of Rusoja; in
226 dated, with distinctares, “His Royal Highness the Prince Regent of cable, and that the Germans did not wish to
":"stet in the seatin ents of Great Britain and of Hanover cannot possibly found their new institutions on the basis of
pr,2nd desired that his views admit that the changes which have taken place in their old ones. Germany have given a right to the princes to When the Prince de Wrede attacked the te berran pe pie, should be
ria claim an absolute or despotic sway over their independence of the “ free cities of Hamburg, subjects. .
tre of the proceedings of the 1 existed, as of right, in Germany from time imme- Lubec, and Bremen," and declared that “ Ba
varia could not recognise such a title,” it was !" | 7211, the question of " What morial. In many states its organization was
per Poland?'' was left to be based on particular arrangements entered into the Prince de Metternich who observed,
230 CECAL The propect relabetween the prince and his subjects; and in coun-"these cities have been already recognised
aparatus of the whole of Pon! tries where the states had even ceased to exist, as free by the alliances they have contracted the subjects possessed important rights which with foreign powers, and notably with Eng
sisi, a a distinct kingdom, un the laws of the empire had established, and to land and France; and that such facts could 1a Erst crocented between which they still granted their protection. .
Yet this is the man who The King of Great Britain is indubitably as much not be set aside.” a sovereign as any European prince whatever; is constantly misrepresented as the enemy to and the liberties of his people, far from tending human liberty. to overthrow his throne, established its stability.” When the discussion took place between
This was the language of the noble minded the members of the German constitution comand liberty-loving prince regent, who was yet mittee on the question of what security should so often represented as the “ally of despots, be given to the Germans, that their individual
liberty should be respected, it was the Prince and the enemy of freedom.”
When the Prince de Metternich perused de Metternich who said that, this incomparable document, he exclaimed, “Although Austria was quite agreed that the power is thus exercised, constitutional free- princes of Germany, it ought, nevertheless, not dom is quite compatible with the monarchical to be lost sight of, that the object they had then
in view was to form a Germanic confederation, principle.” To be sure it is.
and a great political body, composed of German That was an interesting discussion, which
states; and that consequently, in case any attook place in October, 1814, when the en-tack should be made on the political existence or lightened views of the prince regent with re- rights of an individual, contrary to the tenor of gard to the cause of constitutional freedom in the federal act, or of the constitution, and that the states of the confederation, were combat-by such act the individual would be injured in ed by some of the representatives of the five his rights as a German citizen, that the confedecourts. But the Prince de Metternich, to his ration ought to have the power of remedying
those contraventions, and that the federal trihonor be it recorded, ranged himself on the buna! should be established to take cognizance side of rational liberty, and thus assured the of all such complaints, and provide remedies for triumph of constitutional principles.
all violations of the general constitution !" It was the Prince de Metternich who made
Was this the language of an arbitrary and also the famous proposition, that
tyrannical despot ? “To prevent one state of the confederation
The jealousy of Bavaria and Wirtemberg of from compromising the external safety of Germany, each state should be compelled not to make the power and influence of Austria, soon manany warfare itself alone, nor to take any part in ifested itself in the Germanic constitution such a war; and not to conclude any alliance, committee; and not only on the subject of
i would expose his montreaty, or convention, for the service of troops, the double votes claimed by the court of Viwithout receiving the consent of the confedera- enna, but likewise on a variety of other points, tion." the representatives of the two first-named
Some the power, the great It was the same prince, also, who declared powers evinced their want of trust in the that, although, in consequence of the large Austrian government. On all these occasions states which Austria added to those of the the Prince de Metternich spoke without reconfederation, she claimed the right of two serve, acted with the most perfect good faith, votes, yet that she voluntarily offered to con- and displayed a firmness on the one hand, but tribute a double proportion of the expense of a sincerity on the other, which secured for that body. him the approbation and confidence of all.
be fcand impossible The opposition offered by the court of Ba- On every occasion the prince advocated the varia to the decisions of the German commit- advantages of peace, the necessity for union,
to power in Earope. In the tee was founded on an idea that the ancient and the duty of securing to the people all the constitution of the empire ought to be pre- rights and advantages to which they were served; but the Prince de Metternich demon- manifestly entitled in the new combination.
Dr Jeant to the side of the strated on several occasions, and especially in these views the prince was powerfully sec
on that France would only re:
ons come to by the contras Da, plat was the line of andurt Is Prince de Metternich on this ! man! Did he oppuuse the strand, and the bonest and I e pa upon the treaty in the
Brno means. Heunited os of France and England,
cuestion was therefore sub-
Prawould have ansen from lite pour le of Poland, ander a
were at last admitted, even
Przenia, the private friend of er depader; who did not believe trun of Saxony, and of the ar bie Mense and the Moselle, Sex dangers to which the incope
e Prince de Tallerrand, with uz tact and finesse, also labor
ut use from so colluesal an age e Rresa, and be proposed to ering Å Praseja all the duchy of Aranthe banks of the Vistula. peen fee to be the best arrange
and in a manner useful to
o voliains the Prince de
a Poland had in him a decided
mothe German constitution
onded by an autograph letter written to him committee, and to the conduct of the Prince by the Emperor Alexander of Russia; in de Metternich with regard to the Germanic which his majesty stated, with distinctness, confederation. The King of Wirtemberg, that he fully coincided in the sentiments of dissatisfied with the proceedings of the comPrince Metternich, and desired that his views mittee, and displeased at finding that the propof the rights of the German people, should be ositions made by his representatives were not carried into effect.
well received by the other members, sent, on In the early part of the proceedings of the the 16th Nov.1814, a written protest, in which congress of Vienna, the question of “What he required that the whole of the plans of was to become of Poland ?” was felt to be Austria and Prussia, with regard to Germany, one of the most difficult. The project rela- should be submitted to him before he should tive to the incorporation of the whole of Po- be further required to proceed with the disland with Russia, as a distinct kingdom, un-cussions as to the constitution of the confedder a viceroy, was at first concerted between eration. This was the beginning of a serious Russia and Prussia, at the period of the sig- and formidable opposition. On the very same nature of the treaty of Paris. This project, day, also, a note was delivered to the Prinhowever, was greatly opposed by the Prince ces de Metternich and de Hardenberg, by de Talleyrand. In vain did Russia and the plenipotentiaries of twenty-nine foreign Prussia invoke a secret article of the treaty of princes and free cities of Germany, in which Paris, which compelled France to accede to they demanded, without delay, to be called the division which the “allies” should agree upon to deliberate on the subject of the conto, of the countries which had been conquered stitution and the constitution of their common or ceded. The Prince de Talleyrand insist- country. This formidable list of twenty-nine ed, that by the word "allies," must be under- was afterwards augmented to thirty-four by stood the whole of the allies, and not this or the signatures of five other courts.
This was that power; and that France would only re- the beginning of a very severe conflict, durcognise the decisions come to by the congress ing the whole of which the Prince de Meten masse. Now, what was the line of conduct ternich displayed a firmness, forbearance, paadopted by the Prince de Metternich on this tience, and energy, which confounded those important occasion ? Did he oppose the who were most resolute in opposing him. Prince de Talleyrand, and the honest and The Duke of Brunswick was energetic in his fair interpretation put upon the treaty in the complaints. The Grand Duke of Baden was interest of Poland ? By no means. He united decisive in his demands. The plenipotenhis voice with those of France and England, tiaries of the King of Denmark were loud in and the Polish question was therefore sub- their remonstrances. And a host of very petmitted to a new and general discussion. The ty states indeed joined in the general “chariinconveniences which would have arisen from vari ” against the firm and unwavering Prince the union of the whole of Poland, under a de Metternich. Russian viceroy, were at last admitted, even But how instructive and delightful it is to by the King of Prussia, the private friend of notice and record how a giant man with a the Emperor Alexander ; who did not believe giant mind calmly, deliberately, and fearlessly that the acquisition of Saxony, and of the proceeded to confront his opponents and to countries between the Meuse and the Moselle, defend his system. He began with the plencould balance the dangers to which the incor- ipotentiaries of the King of Wirtemberg, and poration of Poland would expose his mon- six days after the receipt of their protest, forarchy. The Prince de Talleyrand, with warded a note, which destroyed at once the his consummate tact and finesse, also labor- false accusations which they, in the name of ed to prove to the other powers, the great the king, had brought against him. In that evils which must arise from so collossal an ag- admirable document the prince thus expresses grandizement of Russia; and he proposed to his opinion with respect to the “ object of the give to the king of Prussia all the duchy of great alliance which had delivered Europe Warsaw,—at least to the banks of the Vistula. from an ignominious yoke," as far as relates This was generally felt to be the best arrange- to Germany. He says, “that object, as rement, provided it would be found impossible gards Germany, was the dissolution of the to re-establish Poland in a manner useful to Rhenish confederation, and the re-establishthe balance of power in Europe. In the ment of German liberty and of the constituwhole of these negotiations the Prince de tion, with some modifications." Metternich invariably leant to the side of the
Whilst constantly occupied with great quesunfortunate, and Poland had in him a decided tions of principle, in the discussions which and powerful friend.
took place before the congress and in the vaBut, to return to the German constitution rious committees, the Prince de Metternich,