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with reference to the principles of govern- of the constitution, with a valuable Glossary, ment, or the doctrines of party. They as- was published in 1684; the second in 1685; pired to the more ambitious rank of in- the third, which ends with the reign of structors; yet we had not any works which, Richard II., in 1700. Brady was sincere viewed as literary compositions, were dis- in his belief that the people had no political tinguished either by style or sentiment. rights, excepting what they had begged, Many might be consulted for information, bought, or stolen from the king. Considnone had striven for literary eminence. ered as an historical investigator of consti

Omitting the writers confined to particu- tutional law, rather than as a narrator of lar eras or reigns, there were six who, as facts, Brady has much merit, though he precursors of Hume, had, with more extend-draws erroneous conclusions from authentic ed views than mere annalists, planned or evidence. He assumes that, whenever any executed the task of compiling a general grant in favor of the people proceeded history of England.

from the Crown, their right originated out First appears Brady. The functions of of the grant; whereas, in fact, it more frethis learned man exhibited an odd combi- quently happens that such a grant is only a nation of pluralities: a doctor of medicine confirmation of a previously existing right, by profession, an antiquary by fancy, he or the recognition of a prevailing principle united in his person the offices of Regius in the constitution, subsisting by custom Professor in his faculty at Cambridge, Mas- and usage, but which now required to be ter of Caius College at Cambridge, and defined, because government sought to vioKeeper of the Records in the Tower; be- late the understanding, or refuse the concesing, moreover, one of the household physi- sions which might render the struggle uncians of James II., and as such one of the necessary: popular rights previously held attesting witnesses of the birth of his unfor- in solution, but precipitated by excess of tunate son. Brady was also much connected royal prerogative or party pertinacity. with Sydenham. Strange to say, he pur- Our late great parliamentary revolution,' sued his literary studies, and preserved his said Alciphron, hearing this observation, reputation for professional skill. In our is a case in point : it was the refusal of days, the three black graces' respectively the franchise to Manchester, which selidiimpose three degrees of literary exclusive- fied parliamentary reform-a few drops ness upon their respective professors. Mo- more of Eldonine, and we should have had ther Church is most indulgent towards her the People's Charter.' But this is a vexed children ; provided they perform one question, which Euphranor advises us for service on Sunday, she nods and allows the present to decline, and we must therethem to expatiate as they may. Themis fore return again to our historians. shows more jealousy: when she is courted Partial, however, as Brady may hare by the student, she smiles and says, 'Young been, he was an honest writer; rigidly acman, recollect I must have you all to myself

. curate in his quotations, and, having apIt is not for the like of you to suppose that pended numerous original documents to his you are to be indulged like the suitors of text, he affords us the means of refuting his whom I have been sure-a Brougham or a own mistakes, and is still in many points a Jeffrey, a Talfourd or a Merivale. No, useful guide. -when you have wedded me, you must give Brady was the champion of Toryism and up all firtations with the Muses. If you hereditary right; Tyrrell took up the gauntforget yourself, you shall not touch a shilling let on the side of the Whigs and the Reroof my property, and I dare say I shall end lution, by producing, in 1698, ' The Genby suing for a divorce from such an unfaith- eral History of England, both Ecclesiastical ful partner.' Esculapius is the harshest of and Civil, from the earliest accounts of all : if his son prints his footsteps upon time to the Reign of his present Majesty, ground forbidden to medical intellect, he at William III., taken from most ancient once cuts off the extravagant heir with an Records, MSS., and printed Historians, empty pill-box.

with Memorials of the most eminent PerIn Brady's time, far more toleration was sons in Church and State, as also the founallowed. He grew rich, received fees, and dation of the most noted Monasteries and flourished, albeit he was a distinguished anboth Universities.' Four successive voltiquary and historian. The first, or intro umes followed; the last appeared in 1704, ductory volume of Brady's History, con- when, like Brady, he was silenced in his taining a summary of the origin and progress controversy by death; and the same era,

the conclusion of the reign of Richard II., He exercised a satisfactory diligence in colends his Complete History.'

lecting all the printed authorities, not merely As a necessary consequence of Tyrrell's such as are historical in the strict sense of antagonism to Brady, he runs fast and far the term, but of that miscellaneous illustraaway from the truth in the opposite directive class, pamphlets, lampoons, trials, and tion. If not absolutely the founder, yet he the like, neglected by his contemporaries, gave a great help to the respectable, but but of which he fully knew the value. somewhat prosy school, who systematize Eachard was also assisted by manuscript Anglo-Saxon liberty ; believe that King and oral information, so that in the latter Alfred instituted trial by jury; portray portion of the work he becomes an original King John as signing Magna Charta with authority. It is a grave, magisterial, sober, a long goose-quill; and, always confounding sensible book, in Oxford binding. His narthe means with the end, consider political ration is deficient in talent or liveliness; freedom as identical with national happi- but want of elegance and spirit is compenness. His · History' is a Whig pamphlet sated by the business-like clearness of his in five volumes folio. Puzzle-pated, and style, and the excellent arrangement of his yet sincere, Tyrrell waded diligently through matter. His work, in spite of the attacks the best authorities; he neglected no source of scurrilous Oldmixon, and the criticism of information. We believe that he has of the miserable free-thinker, Conyers Midhardly omitted any one fact of importance; dleton, acquired considerable credit, and and yet you read through bis history without may be read with advantage by those who being able to recollect one of the events value plain historical information, full and which he has narrated with drowsy fidelity. solid: but they must not look for any soluLike all writers of his class, he is a tele- tion of difficult problems, or any nice eluciscope with dulled glasses; he brings the ob- dations of character. ject nearer to you, but so dim and confused In the capacity of the patriarch of bookthat you have no distinct image at all. makers, the earliest professional author

With better fortune than his predecessors, known to have been paid by the sheet, Lawrence Eachard was enabled to fulfil his Guthrie, whose ponderous Geographical plan of giving to the Englishman his own Grammar still lingers in its fourteenth edicountry's story. He undertook his useful tion, deserves a memorial. Let subscripand important work, for such it certainly tions be raised at every trade-dinner for the is, under the clear conviction that he was erection of the statue in papier maché, in called to the task by a sense of duty as a the dark Court opposite Stationers' Hall, in divine. England wanted a church and the centre of the little grubby, scrubby, state history, a history which might teach shabby green. As an historian, few words Englishmen to respect their national con- will suffice for poor Guthrie. He was a stitution as well as their national religion, Tory by principle and an author by neceswithout egging one on against the other : he sity. Steadily did he fill page after page, untherefore wrote as a professed teacher, in- der the stimulus of political feeling and the fluenced by doctrines which it was his call-pressure of domestic penury. Such was the ing openly to propagate and confirm. Each patient complacency of his customers, that ard's principle, however he may have car- (Guthrie's history, being intended to be ried it through, was the right one. A sol- popular, fills two enormous folios, a stonedier would deem it an insult if you supposed weight of literature. Guthrie's work is he forgot his commission when he appears decently and comprehensively executed ; in plain clothes. Equally should a clergy. but he has omitted references to proofs and man make all around him constantly know authorities, so that his compilation, far too and remember his order, although his sur- unwieldy for any ordinary reader in our plice may be put off. The first volume, degenerate days, is nearly useless to historiwhich extends to the end of James I., is the cal inquirers. least important. He did not neglect original The history of reputations ill deserved, authorities, but, according to the prevailing would form a large and interesting chapter fashion, he considered the monastic wri- in the annals of literature. When it shall ters' as being highly disagreeable to the be investigated by some future D'Israeli, a taste and genius of our refined age.' In the prominent station must be found therein for second and third volumes, which carry on Rapin. Laborious and yet superficial, the history to the late happy Revolution,' pompous and shallow, his foreign birth, edEachard becomes a writer of intrinsic worth.ucation, and habitat, all unfitted him for the task. We must recollect, however, in stock; he was brother of the well-known judging him, that he wrote for foreigners; historian of Essex. His fortunes, however, that is 10 say, for the continental public, had been oddly chequered : he had served and not for ourselves. Rapin tells us so with in the wars in Flanders (we suspect as a a candor which excuses the author, though private), had been much at sea, twice to it does not neutralize the errors which he the Indies, and had kept two coffee-houses has propagated. Rapin had some appre- in a small way, first at Oxford then in Lonciation of the higher qualities of an histo-don. Whilst following the last-mentioned rian—but his model of composition was avocation, he compiled the “ Modern UniMezeray; his sentiments those of Bayle. versal History,' in which the English histoHe judged all matters, religious or political, ry is included, and several other useful in the spirit of a French refugee: feelings works. His English history is fairly exefully natural and excusable in one who had cuted, and has occasionally those touches escaped the persecutioits sanctioned by the of liveliness which knowledge of the world name of Louis le Grand. Yet our tolera- imparts even to inferior talent. As a critic, tions for his opinions must not induce us to Salmon has given many useful corrections conceal that Rapin, in his worthless farra- of the “republican writers,' not only in his go, is consistently an enemy to monarchy. history, but in his ' Examination' of Burnet's Whenever the subject gives him an oppor- Life and Times. tunity, he never fails to speak out: his sober Brady and Tyrrell, but more particularly republicanism is wholly different from the the former, well understood research. radicalism of the present day, and yet it is historical antiquary now arose, in the pernot without its influence in the same cause. son of Thomas Carte, who far surpassed Rapin's history ends with Charles I. The any of his predecessors. Carte was an inremaining portions of the French text (of defatigable investigator of unpublished dochis avowed English continuators we do not uments, particularly of state-papers, but he speak) are all written by different hands. was somewhat deficient in the gift of knowSalmon

says that the history was worked up ing when to undervalue the result of his by a club or society of Dutch Calvinists, own researches. Alas! it is the common French Huguenots, (Durand, the minister error of antiquaries to reckon the worth of of the Savoy, being one,) English Presby- the prey by the difficulty of the chase, and terians, and Scotch Cameronians. There to consider that the mere accident of the may have been something of design, but information existing in manuscript-and there was more of book-making. Amster- above all in a manuscript penes memust dar was then the Manchester of this man- of necessity insure the value of the article. ufacture; and Rapin dying before he had He has overlooked important authorities, completed his work, Abraham Rogissart, amongst others, strange to say, some of the the bookseller, had it ‘got up' from his pa- publications of Tom Hearne; a great wonpers, in order not to lose the benefit of a der, because Tom Carte ought to have publication from which much profit was turned to him by pure instinct as an underived.

sworn brother. Adhering to the unfortuTo counteract Rapin, Thomas Salmon, nate house of Stuart, and having become whom we have just quoted, produced his cognizant of some plot for their restoration, History of England, comprehending, as we Carte attained the uncomfortable honor of are informed by his elaborate title-page, having his name placarded on the walls, in printed with a wonderful variety of type-a proclamation which offered one thousand upper-case, lower-case, roman, italic, red pounds for his apprehension ; but he was letter, and black letter, — Remarks on Ra- able to escape to France, where he continpin, Burnet, and other Republican writers, ued many years. The Benedictine school vindicating the just Right of the Establish- was flourishing there, and he had good oped Church, and the Prerogatives of the portunity of profiting by their labors. Crown against the wild schemes of Enthu- These excellent men were busily employed siasts and Levellers, no less active and dil-in editing the various sources of mediæval igent in promoting the subversion of this history; and their example, as well as the beautiful frame of government, than their general tone of their erudition, so different artful predecessors in hypocrisy, who con

on- from the Parisian coteries in which Hume verted the Monarchy into a Commonwealth afterwards flourished, gave Carte a deeper and the Church into a Chaos of impious insight into the mode of conducting historiSects.' Salmon did not come from a bad cal inquiry, than he could have obtained in

England. Paironized by Dr. Meade, Carte great control over his principles: his Jacohad previously published his noble edition bitism can only be detected in his fairness of Thuanus, which, after his recall to Eng- towards monarchy, nor is the allegiance due land, was followed by the ‘History of the to the House of Hanover ever endangered Duke of Ormond.' In the latter work he by the historian's affection to the Stuart necessarily examined the character of cause. Without doubt, he was rather deCharles I. This production opened the sirous not to put the Treasury again to the way for a task of greater inagnitude. Feel- trouble of offering a thousand pounds for ing, in common with others, the need of lodging him in any of his Majesty's gaols. opposing a more effectual antidote to the Throughout the whole of the work, which erroneous views of Rapin, than the well- Carte continued till the year 1642, there is meant, though not profound, attempts of only one passage in which his Jacobitism Salmon, he planned his 'Society for en-creeps out, betraying the sentiments of the couraging the writing of a History of Eng-| party to which he belonged. Never was land,' with the avowed view of being sup- the love of the White Rose more innocentported by such encouragement. Carte ly, some folks would say more absurdly, fully knew his ground, and the difficulties displayed. he should have to encounter, and he went to Speaking of the right of anointing, pracwork as a man determined to overcome tised according to ancient usage, at the them.

coronation, he refutes the injudicious arguA great number of 'noblemen and gen- ments of those who rest the jurisdiction of tlemen signed an instrument, obliging the Crown in ecclesiastical matters upon themselves to contribute, the former their this ceremony, contending that such power twenty, the latter their ten guineas a year, is incident to royalty, and inherently vested towards the charges of the work and ma- in all sovereigns. Had he stopped there, terials.' The documents which our author and then taken the oaths, all would have circulated amongst his subscribers, before been excellent. Even Whig minister he began to publish the History, entitled might have thought of him,' as the phrase • A Collection of the several Papers pub- is; or his friends might have told him so. lished by Mr. Carte in relation to his His-But, unluckily, he was tempted on a little tory of England,' show how thoroughly he bit further; and he proceeds to confute had considered the subject in all its bear- another opinion, that the gift of healing the ings. A full knowledge of the contents of scrofulous humor, called the king's evil, by our own archives, many of which were then the royal touch, a belief which has furnishof difficult access, a thorough acquaintance ed an entertaining chapter in Mr. Pettiwith the continental collections, a due and grew's very curious history of Medical critical appreciation of the value of the an- Superstitions,' was to be attributed to the cient sources of information, all testify to virtue imparted by the same ceremony ; his qualfications for the task. He received for,' says he, 'I myself have seen a very munificent support. Oxford University and remarkable instance of such a cure, which five of the principal colleges appeared as could not possibly be ascribed to royal subseribers. Prudent Cambridge wholly unction. The individual supposed to have kept aloof; but the reserve of Alma Mater received this miraculous healing, was was more than compensated by the solid certain Christopher Lovel, a native of Wells, patronage of the Corporation of London who, having resided at Bristol as a laborand of the opulent city companies. The er, was sorely afflicted with the disease. first volume of the General History of During many years, as Carte tells us, had England, by Thomas Carte, an English- he tried all the remedies which the art of man,' was worthy of the ample assistance medicine could administer, without receivthe author had obtained. His quaint de- ing benefit. An old sailor, his uncle, about nomination must be explained. Carte, to sail to Cork, received Lovel on board though in boly orders, dared not write him- his vessel: another voyage brought him to self clerk, and would not write himself gen- St. Malo in the Isle of Rhé. Hence Lovel tleman ; he was a member of a secret and crossed the country to Paris; ultimately he proscribed hierarchy; therefore he proba- reached Avignon. * At this last place, bly thought, that, since he could not add says Carte, he was touched by the eldest any designation of station, he would claim lineal descendant of a race of kings;' and, no other description save that which he de- upon returning to his birthplace, he appear rived from his country. Carte exercised ed, as people thought, entirely cured. Up

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on hearing this story, the first impression the way for Hume. Being in 1752 apis, that Christopher Lovel was benefited by pointed librarian of the Faculty of Adrochange of air and scene, diet and exercise, cates, an office from which he received litin the course of his long peregrinations by tle or no emolument, but which gave him land and by sea ; and any wise man, even the command of the largest library in Scotthough not a doctor, would assuredly, be- land, he then, as he tells us, formed the fore he committed himself, have said, Let plan of writing the · History of England ;' us wait awhile, and see whether the disease. but, frightened with the notion of continbe entirely removed.' Accordingly, at no uing a narrative through a period of 1700 long period afterwards, the disease did in years, I commenced with the accession of fact reappear. Whilst the unfortunate Ja- the House of Stuart, an epoch when I cobite thus lost his cause by failing in the thought the misrepresentations of faction ordeal which he had waged, he suffered all began chiefly to take place. Two years the odium of gaining a victory. Carte's elapsed before the appearance of the first enemies, and they were many in his own volume of the ‘History,' containing the pecraft, took up the matter no less fiercely riod from the accession of James I. to the than as if the patient had been really and Revolution. The second followed in 1756. thoroughly healed, thereby giving the most The history of the House of Tudor was next indisputable proof of the legitimacy of the published in 1759; and the more early Pretender. Had Christopher Lovel been part, beginning, according to custom, with produced, as fresh as a rose and as sound the Druids and Julius Cæsar, was given to as an apple, at the bar of the House of the public in 1761. This retrograde proLords--for the purpose of giving evidence cess is not ill adapted for the purpose of to set aside the Act of Settlement, a louder giving an effective and persuasive unity : it hurly-burly could not have been raised. better enables the writer to single out such Pamphlets abcunded. Silvanus Urban, usu- results as may agree with the causes which ally open to all parties and influenced by he chooses to assign. Keen novel-readers none, lost all fellow-feeling. Mysterious often begin with the catastrophe, in order paragraphs appeared, in which significant to judge of the conduct of the tale. A wriletters interchanged with more significant ter of history may follow an analogous plan dashes—N—;--, P-t-r, excited all the in order to insure a striking development. horror of loyalty against the luckless T-s Hume's History' thus falls into three secC-e. London citizens took fright. Pur- tions, and there are diversities of execution suant to a vote of Common Council, Mr. in each. Unquestionably, the portion in Chamberlain, by order of Mr. Town, with which Hume shows most grasp of mind is drew their subscription. Many other of the Stuart history, yet one spirit pervades Carte's supporters followed their example the whole. from a real rror of Jacobitism ; more, Previously to the appearance of the his lest they should incur suspicion of favor-tory, the Librarian, petted and favored as ing the Stuart cause—thus saving at once he may have been by private friendship, their reputation and their money. Still had not manifested any ability reasonably Carte's spirit was unsubdued : he continued leading to the supposition, that he would to laborat his work. The remaining ever be numbered among the great men of volumes appeared in due succession ; and, the age. Had it not been for the notoriety had not death arrested his pen, he would, attached to his philosophical principles, without doubt, have completed the book to no impartial observer would have anticipathe Revolution. As before mentioned, it ted that David was likely to attract the noends with 1642. Carte's transcripts form tice of posterity, amidst the crowd of gena very valuable and extensive collection, tlemen who write with ease. He had tried and are now deposited in the Bodleian, a profusion of little essays, little treatises, where they constitute a memorial of con- little didactic dialogues upon metaphysics, scientious honesty; for though Carte did fphilosophy, political economy, arts and not live to complete his plans, still he fully sciences, trade, commerce, and polygamy, performed his duty towards those who sup- politics and constitutional policy, and hisported him. He brought together all the totical aptiquities-none very brilliant. materials for the edifice, which he was Untit lenie a narrator, he never disbound to raise.

means of exerting his influenSuch were the precursors, who with un- tia Hume was destined to become equal qualities and success, had prepared a nificent performer; but he began

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