PERSONAL CHARACTERISTICS OF HANNIBAL 335

of purpose-what Spenser so well calls his stubbornness, the "stubborne Hanniball; "1 his marriage with a Spanish maiden, and his discovery of Spanish mines; his watchtowers erected along the coasts of Africa and Spain-these and other characteristic facts we have to gather, as best we may, from stray hints, scattered up and down through Greek and Roman literature, from an epithet here, an anecdote there, from an undesigned coincidence or an undesigned discrepancy; but, coming to us though they do in so unsatisfactory a shape, they yet help us, in some measure, to clothe with flesh and blood the figure of the hero whose general outlines seem, perhaps, only more gigantic by reason of the mist through which we are compelled to contemplate it. They enable us to feel that the noble line of his African fellow-countryman, "I am a man, and nothing that is human do I think alien to me," may, in spite of his almost more than human proportions, and in spite of the deficiency of our materials, be, in its measure, applied also to him.

In the same year with Hannibal died his great rival, Scipio Africanus, the victim of a like reverse of fortune. Like Hannibal, the victor of Zama had tried his hand at politics, but, like many other great generals who have followed his example, in politics he does not seem to have been at home. He longed for literary repose, and when the tide of popular favour turned against him, he retired into a kind of voluntary exile at Liternum. "Ungrateful country," he cried with his last breath, "thou shalt not have even my ashes," "3

The great Carthaginian leader was gone, but something of his handiwork still remained in the prosperity which his reforms had secured for his native city, in spite of the everincreasing depredations of Massinissa. The second Punic War had hardly been concluded, and the terms of peace agreed to, when that wily Numidian, lord, by the favour of 1 Faery Queene, v. 49. 2 Justin, xxxii. 4, 9. 3 Livy, xxxviii, 56; Val. Max. v 3. 2.

3

Rome, of the dominions of Syphax as well as of his own,1 began to justify his position by encroaching on the Emporia to the south-east of Carthage. This was the richest part of the Phoenician territory in Africa; it contained the oldest Phoenician colonies, and had belonged to Carthage by a prescription of at least three hundred years. The Carthaginians, as by treaty bound, appealed to Rome for protection; and Scipio, the best judge of its provisions, as well as one of the most honourable of Roman citizens, went over to Africa to decide the matter. But he decided nothing, and Massinissa was left in possession of his plunder. This led to fresh encroachments on the other side of the Carthaginian territory along the river Bagradas, and these again to fresh commissions from Rome, which always ended in the same way. At last the trampled worm turned on its oppressor; but fortune was on the side of the chartered brigandage of Massinissa. Hasdrubal, at the head of the patriotic party, was completely defeated, and Carthage itself was in danger. The Carthaginians, by neglecting to ask leave of Rome to defend themselves, had at length given the Romans the very pretext which they wanted for interfering actively and giving them the death-stroke. Already before this a new commission had been sent out with old Marcus Cato at its head. It proved to be an evil day for Carthage. The Censor had passed through the rich districts which still remained to her. He had been amazed at the wealth, the population and the resources of the city which he had believed was crushed; and he returned home with his narrow mind thoroughly impressed with the belief that if Rome was to be saved, Carthage must be destroyed. Cato brought to the consideration of every subject a mind thoroughly made up upon it. No one ever reasoned him out of an opinion he had formed. He exhibited in the

1 Polyb. xv. 18. 5; Livy, xxx. 44.

2

Polyb. xxxii. 2; Livy, xxxiv. 62; cf. xl. 17 and 31; Appian, Pun. 67.

3 Livy, xlii. 23-24; Epit. xlvii; Appian, Pun. 68.

4 Livy, Epit. xlviii. ; Appian, Pun. 70-73.

DELENDA EST CARTHAGO.

337

Senate some figs as remarkable for their freshness as for their size, he told his admiring audience that they grew in Carthaginian territory only three days' sail from Rome, and, using or abusing the freedom allowed to every senator of expressing his opinion on any subject, he ended his speech that day, and every speech which he delivered in the Senate afterwards, whatever the subject under debate, with the memorable words-Carthage must be blotted out.1

I Plutarch, Cato, 27; Appian, Pun. 69; Florus, ii. 15. 4.

CHAPTER XX.

DESTRUCTION OF CARTHAGE.

(149-146 B.C.)

Appian and his History-Polybius-Characteristics of his history-His love of truth-Topography of Carthage-Causes of its obscurity-Changes made by nature-Changes made by man-The peninsula and the isthmus-the fortifications and triple wall-the Tænia-The harbours -Resolve of Rome respecting Carthage-Treachery of Romans-Scene at Utica-Scene at Carthage-The Roman attack fails-Repeated failures and losses-Scipio Emilianus-His character and connections -He takes the Megara-Siege of the city proper-Scipio's mole and the new outlet-Contradictions in Carthaginian character-Scipio attacks the harbour quarter-He takes Nepheris-The final assault— The three streets-The Byrsa-Fate of the city and its inhabitants— Curse of Scipio-Unique character of the fall of Carthage-Its consequences-Subsequent cities on its site-Final destruction by the

Arabs.

OUR knowledge of the Third Punic War is derived almost exclusively from Appian, a mere compiler who did not live till the time of the Emperor Hadrian, and whose accuracy, where he draws upon his own resources, may be judged from the fact that he places Saguntum to the north of the Ebro, and makes Britain only half a day's sail from Spain.1 Fortunately for us, however, there is good reason to believe that his account of the fall of Carthage is drawn directly from Polybius, who not only stands in the highest rank as an historian, but was himself present and bore a part in the scenes which he described.? Lord Bacon has remarked in one of his aphorisms, that while the stream of time has brought down floating on its surface many works which are light and Appian, Hisp. 1 and 7. 2 Appian, Pun. 132.

I

POLYBIUS AND HIS HISTORY.

339

valueless, those which were weightier and worthier have sunk too often to the bottom and been lost to us. Happily the aphorism is not wholly true, and, in this instance, the lighter work of Appian has been able, as it were, to give buoyancy to the substance of the weighty work of Polybius. Let us dwell for a moment on the qualifications of the man to whom students of ancient history, especially of Carthaginian history, owe so much.

Polybius was a Greek of Megalopolis, who having been carried off to Italy, in common with all the more enterprising and independent spirits among his countrymen, by the Romans, was invited to take up his residence in the house of Æmilius Paullus, the conqueror of Macedonia; and it is to this happy accident that we owe, if not his history itself, at all events, some of its most distinguishing characteristics.

Here it was that Polybius learned to appreciate, as perhaps no other Greek or Roman had hitherto done, the grandeur alike of the Greek intellect and of the Roman character, and was able to mark out, in his own mind at least, the appropriate sphere and limits of each. Here he influenced, and, in turn, he was influenced by, some of the foremost minds which the Imperial State had yet produced -the young and virtuous Scipio himself, his father, the distinguished general Æmilius Paullus, the wise and gentle Lælius, the satirist Lucilius, the African comedian Terence, and the Greek philosopher Panatius. Here he learned to rise alike above the petty intrigues of the Achæan states and the narrow patriotism of Rome to the conception of a Universal Empire, which was to combine intellectual culture with material civilisation, and order with something which was, at least, akin to national life. Here, lastly, in his part of historian, he cut himself adrift from the dry annals and the meagre epitomes which still, to a great extent, monopolised the name of history, and rose to that higher conception which Thucydides alone of his predecessors had apprehended-the conception of history (or, at all events,