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of my hon. friend-God forbid, I should are justly ashamed to avow, all I can say degrade the high deserts of that gentleman is, that for one, I am determined, here, in by thinking any general defence of his the very seat and centre of what I think conduct necessary. It is not my purpose this criminal disposition, to withdraw myself thus to insult his merits. But, I own, I at least from all suspicion of partaking in never reflect on this subject without finding its guilt.-In delivering my opinion of my a sentiment on my lips which I do not hon. friend, I am not so madly vain as to choose, even at the risk of yielding to sir think it can add any thing to his honours; Elijah Impey in dexterity and in the arts it is not for him, Sir, it is to do myself of conciliation to suppress. I would do honour that I say here what I have often much, Sir, at this time, and in a cause in said elsewhere-that, of all the great and which am not ashamed to own it, to considerable men which this country poscourt the favour of this assembly and of sesses, there is not one in the empire, who power, but I will not even in these cir- has a claim so much beyond all question, cumstances refrain from saying, that the who can show a title so thoroughly authendisposition of this House, and of those, ticated, as this gentleman, to the admirawho have much weight in this place and tion, the thanks, the reward, the love of much authority in this country, towards his country, and of the world. If I am the hon. gentleman I have alluded to, does asked for proof-I say the book of his life no credit to the House, to Government is open before you-It has been read, it or to any individual to whom the observa- has been examined in every line, by the tion can apply. It but ill evinces any just diligent inquisition, the searching eye of or sound view of the principles on which malice and envy-Has a single blot been public men are to be countenanced and found? Is there one page, which has not supported, to see every consideration which been traced by virtue and by wisdom? should give splendour to a character, which Virtue, Sir, not of the cold and neutral quashould excite admiration, command ap. lity, which is contented to avoid reproach by plause, honour, and reward, which should shrinking from action, and is the best ally draw the grateful thanks, and bind the of vice, but virtue, fervent, full of ardour, hearts of his country and mankind, all of energy, of effect-Wisdom, Sir, not the yield and fall before the most unfounded, mere flash of genius and of talents, though the most petty and capricious prejudices, these are not wanting, but wisdom inprejudices the most entirely personal, and formed, deliberate, and profound. I know, the least connected with any manly ra- Sir, the warmth imputed to, nay, possessed tional, or honourable estimate of character, by that character. It is a warmth which that ever disgraced the wayward choice or does but burnish all his other virtues-His antipathies even of children. Sir, I do not heart is warm, his judgment cool; and the hope to correct the vice I am lamenting; latter of these features none will deny, but I have a right to speak my mind of it, except those who have not examined, or and inconsiderable as I am, I know that the who wish to disbelieve it. Here, Sir, I shall justice of this rebuke will give it weight. quit the claim of sir Elijah Impey, to the Another cause for my concern at this dis- testimony of this hon. gentleman, and of position of the House towards my hon. his colleagues, with all other opinions of friend is, that it is a heavy discouragement other men, and shall proceed to lay this to the hopes of reform and of benefit to case before the members of this ComIndia, that we should yet be so far re-mittee, themselves, and submit it to their moved from the sound and efficient prin- own judgments. ciple of that reform, which I have endeavoured to show on another occasion, consists above all in a just discrimination between merit and misconduct, and in a steady distribution at home, of honour and reward to those who have done their duty abroad, as of disgrace and punishment to the disobedience and crimes of others. If the members of this House be indeed so little read in their duties, or be prepared to sacrifice their most sacred obligations, to partialities, which although still, I fear, at the bottom of their hearts, are such as they

We are now, Sir, arrived at the hour of trial, in which no interval is left between allegation and proof; when assertions lose even the short advantage of temporary credit or suspense; and must present themselves instantly to that ordeal in which truth alone can survive. Sir, in these circumstances, with my adversary prepared to combat, and with your judgment to chastise me on the spot, I have yet no scruple nor any hesitation in affirming, that the transaction which you are about to contemplate, is, of all those which have

blackened the English name in Asia, beyond all comparison the most atrocious, the most disgraceful to the character, the most degrading to the wisdom of this country, and is that which calls the loudest on our justice for correction and atonement. From the time on which I have had an opportunity of considering and fixing my opinion of the true nature and complexion of this action, I do solemnly declare, that of all the enormities I have ever heard of in the tyranny of man over man, of all the desperate or wanton exploits, either recorded in the history of human crimes, or conceived in the most extravagant and the wildest flight of imaginary and invented guilt, this one détestable act has always appeared to me to involve within its single self the greatest variety, the greatest complication, the most lofty accumulation of guilt, to stand the highest in the scale of offences, and to claim an undisputed pre-eminence in human crimes. I know, Sir, all the responsibility with which I now load myself in this heavy charge, yet I am not only confident of leaving this opinion with the Committee before I conclude, but I cannot even now persuade myself, that it has not been already adopted, even on the imperfect view of this transaction which has as yet reached your eye, and which presents but a small portion, a feeble and indistinct impression of the subject. It is my duty to day to fill up this sketch, to unfold the latent or half-perceived points of criminality, and to justify not only my own proposition: but, as I have said before, what I cannot but conceive to be already the general, though perhaps as yet, the unstudied opinion of the House itself. The difficulty, which one should suppose the greatest in this case, should be, not that of obtaining your final assent, but prevailing on you to suspend for a time those feelings, and that judgment, which the first blush of this case cannot fail of suggesting to just and virtuous minds; to deliberate where intuitive justice, as it were, calls out for sudden and instant decision; and to allow me time and cool attention sufficient to establish, by the slow course of argument and analysis, that of which our nature rejects all doubt. No opinion, however, which is right in itself, can suffer by examination; and although I may, indeed, reasonably fear that the manner in which I shall be capable of treating it, may blunt the edge of your feelings, and damp the flame which the [VOL. XXVII.]

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subject itself must have kindled; yet I have this consolation, that, however uncreditable to myself, and however irksome and painful to you, the discussion is, I fear, likely to prove in my hands, yet, in the end, the matter itself is of so active and animating a nature, as to rouse again the fire I may have extinguished, and secure that triumph to the truth of my proposition itself, which its advocate would claim in vain

Sir, the order I would observe is thisI propose, first, to relate some of the principal facts in the cause. I shall then take the liberty of extracting from this relation the points which it furnishes for your consideration, together with such grounds and arguments as may establish the conclusions on which I shall support my motion for an impeachment.

The Committee will, naturally, first expect to be made a little acquainted with the station, circumstances, and character of him who was the unhappy victim in this transaction.

The Maha Rajah Nundcomar was a Hindoo native of Bengal, and was born at Moorshedabad. He was a Bramin, and of the highest cast of that order, being, indeed, as I understand, considered at the time of his death, as the chief or head of that body. When I have said he was a Bramin, I have said he was of the highest rank known in the society in which he lived, and of a rank the eminence of which we can form but a feeble idea of here, from any condition we are accustomed to respect in Europe; because, in addition to civil distinctions of the highest nature, the natives of India attach to the character of Bramin a religious reverence, the degree of which can, perhaps, only be conceived by those who have had occasion to know how much stronger on the minds of Hindoos are all religious impressions, as well as how much more intimately these are interwoven with all their civil opinions, and ordinary concerns and habits, than can be well imagined in these countries. Independent of this title to consideration, he was beyond dispute, the most eminent Hindoo with whom we had any acquaintance or connexion in Bengal, on account of his wealth, the high stations he had filled, his acknowledged superiority of abilities, and, in a word, the great influence, and the sway he had possessed in all the affairs of that kingdom. There was, indeed, but one man below the nabob himself, whether Gentoo or Mahomedan, who [Y]

could be put in any degree of competition with him, for rank and consequence. This was Mahomed Reza Cawn, who had also held the first employments in the state, who was considered, and who really was, his rival and competitor in the intrigues and politics of the nabob's court. These men had long headed two principal and powerful factions in Bengal, and each had had his day of triumph and depression; each in his turn had been reverenced and respected in the fulness of his fortune; and each had been traduced and vilified in its wane. It happened, at a particular period, to suit the views, or the passions, of a prevailing party in the Court of Directors, to ruin Mahomed Reza Cawn, and to remove him from the administration of the Nabob's affairs which he then held. They judged it proper to use his rival Nundcomar in this service, who was thought peculiarly qualified for the office, by his ambition, his activity, his abilities, his acquaintance with business, but above all the rest, by his competition with Mahomed Reza Cawn, and the personal animosity between these two men. They directed, accordingly, their government in Bengal to accomplish this object, and to employ this instrument. The commission was in a special manner entrusted to Mr. Hastings, who was president of their council-the Directors accompanied these orders with observations on the character for intrigue, and on the disaffection towards the English authority in Bengal, commonly ascribed to Nundcomar; and, while they directed their servants to employ his talents and his passions in carrying a favourite point, they cautioned them against placing too implicit confidence, or bestowing too much actual power on this person; instructing them, however, positively, so far as should be consistent with this caution, to reward the services of Nundcomar, by the improvement of his fortune and the gratification of any views not dangerous to their own affairs. Thus instructed, Mr. Hastings undertook this commission; and Nundcomar was actually employed under him, several years, in this most confidential and important business, searching for, and supplying the Council with proofs of malversation in the ministry of Mahomed Reza Cawn. To this service, he was stimulated by every inducement which either interest, or passion, could suggest. His resentments and his ambition were at once gratified by the flattering prospect presented to them, of erecting his own

fortunes on the downfal of a rival. There can be little doubt of his having exerted all his abilities and all his activity in the pursuit. His situation too was rendered such as should enable him to employ his own resources with effect; and Mr. Hastings invested him with all the power of official authority, and with all the influence belonging to a show of favour and protection from the British government. It was on this occasion, and, according to the profession of Mr. Hastings, it was for this purpose, that the arrangement took place in the settlement of the young Nabob's government, of which we have already heard so much. The Munny Begum, who is not altogether a stranger in this place, and concerning some of the probable motives for whose elevation, the House may, perhaps, in the course of its inquiries, have formed some conjectures, was appointed to the guardianship of the present Nabob, Mobarruk ul Dowla, during his minority. Rajah Goordass, the son of Nundcomar, was appointed Duan of the Household, or, in other words, prime minister. It was acknowledged, however, that so far as regarded his own personal qualifications, Rajah Goordass was totally inadequate in point of abilities, and totally unfit, in character and habits, for such a station. But it was contended that the incapacity and deficiencies of the son would be supplied by the talents and activity of the father, whose paternal authority and influence, it was said, would enable him to employ these qualities usefully in the service of the Nabob and the Company. were the reasons, or, rather, this was the apology given, in substance, by Mr. Hastings for the nomination of Rajah Goordass to this office; and it was clearly understood, and indeed expressed in the minute of Mr. Hastings on that occasion, that Rajah Goordass should possess only the nominal appointment while Nundcomar was to be considered as the real and effective minister in the Nabob's court. In these circumstances, with these inducements to animate, and with these means to enable him, Nundcomar entered on the prosecution of Mahomed Reza Cawn, under the orders of the Company, and under the superintendence of Mr. Hastings. The event, however, did not answer the expectations naturally formed by the Court of Directors on this occasion. The prosecution totally failed, and Mr. Hastings and Nundcomar, reciprocally, laid

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the disappointment to the account of each other.

The connexion of this narrative with the business of the day, the Committee will hereafter see more distinctly; and, in the mean while, it will serve to show the eminent station which, even with our concurrence, Nundcomar had filled in that country, and the claims, not only for protection, but for distinction and reward, which his confidential participation in some of our most favourite schemes had given him. It will also furnish an observation or two on the general character of this person, which has always been, more or less, mixed in the discussion of his subsequent fate, although incapable, in sound reasoning, of affecting in any degree, the merits of that question.

I must begin by remarking, that so far as we have gone at least, there is nothing in the conduct of Nundcomar, which one should have thought, sir Elijah Impey, of all men, would have been disposed to rely on, either as marking his character with infamy, or as justifying a capital and ignominious punishment. For sir Elijah Impey will find it difficult to distinguish so nicely between the kingdom of Bengal, and the province of Oude; between the conduct of Nundcomar in 1772, and his own in 1781; between the information procured by Nundcomar against Mahomed Reza Cawn, and the affidavits collected by himself against the Begums; as to condemn the one to a gibbet, and deem the other meritorious and worthy of reward. By what logic, or by what maxims of English law, will he prove that an action, which was infamous and capital in an Indian politician against a rival statesman, was venial or praise-worthy, in an English judge against the royal and aged victims of his agency? With what grace or impartiality could he reject the plea of humanity, as the motive of Nundcomar, if he should have boasted, like sir Elijah Impey, of sympathy, compassion, and tenderness of heart, as his inducement for assisting his friend Mr. Hastings, in his distress, by enabling him to obey the orders, and answer the expectations of his angry and impatient masters, the Court of Directors? What other distinction will he find favourable to himself in this parallel, unless it be in the superior zeal and happier success of his own labours, which dispatched the Begums in a few weeks, and by the active diligence of a few days, while the lukewarmness of

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Nundcomar, his want of dexterity or possibly his greater scruples between good and bad evidence, were not able to accomplish the destruction of his own rival in three years? With regard to the general character of this person, if we are disposed to allow to him the same measure of justice with other men, we shall not admit as conclusive, without distinction or inquiry, every surmise and every allegation, which can be raked out of the party debates, of his public and private enemies. Nundcomar passed a long life in all the action of a period, full of revolutions and events, in the most intriguing country in the world. The events, in which he was always a conspicuous actor, were productive of more important consequences, both to individuals, and to the state, and as they involved deeper interests, so they engaged more warmly the passions of the parties, than any the most furious dissentions we can witness here, will ever exemplify. Nundcomar was incontestibly, in his heart, the foe of the English interests in India; and we must, therefore, receive the report of his character from those to whom he was obnoxious. It is, nevertheless, worthy of remark, that although he was seven years under restraint, and, during the whole of that time, was dispossessed of all authority by his successful rival and competitor Mahomed Reza Cawn, who was invested with the same office which he had lost, and held, therefore, in his hands the means of tracing and detecting the irregularities of his administration; yet I cannot find that any charge of malversation was ever substantiated against him. He expressly affirms the contrary himself, and boasts of it in the face of his enemy, Mr. Hastings, whom he was accusing and endeavouring to ruin at the time; and he asserts it, so far as I am able to discover, without contradic tion. His words are: "I have now been ten years out of employment: Mahomed Reza Khaun ardently wished, during the whole time of his ministry, to discover some fault of mine in the settling the business of the country, or fraud, or delays in the method of transacting it; as nothing of that kind had been committed by me, he was able to produce nothing. Whoever occupies a great post, as well as faithful adherents, undoubtedly meets with discontented and turbulent men. The utmost search which Mahomed Reza Khaun could make, could not produce a single man who would lay his complaint

less he thinks it but justice to make a distinction between the violation of a trust, and an offence committed against our Government, by a man who owed it no allegiance, nor was indebted to it for protection; but, on the contrary, was the

whose interest naturally suggested that kind of policy, which sought by foreign aids, and the diminution of the power of the Company to raise his own conse

against me." I am neither prepared, nor can it any way be required of me, to defend the whole tenour of Nundcomar's life, or to take charge of his general fame, with which, I think, I have no concern; but I have been induced to make these observations by perceiving a strong dis-actual servant and minister of a master, position in all those who have had the task of defending the desperate action which I arraign to-day, to turn the inquiry from this specific accusation of sir Elijah Impey to all the loose and general asper-quence, and to re-establish his authority. sions, whether proved or conjectured, He has never been charged with any inwhether calumny or truth, on the poli- stance of infidelity to the Nabob Meer tical career of Nundcomar. I think it Jaffier, the constant tenour of whose due then, to what I deem the injured politics, from his first accession to the memory of this injured man, to demand, Nizamut till his death, corresponded in as a claim of right, that we should restrict all points so exactly with the artifices his bad and his obnoxious qualities to which were detected in his minister, that those alone which are, in some degree, they may be as fairly ascribed to the one authenticated against him, namely, a great as to the other; their immediate object deal of ambition, a spirit of intrigue, and was beyond question the aggrandizement a settled detestation of the English usur- of the former, though the latter had ultipation over the native government of his mately an equal interest in their success. country. I do not think I can speak The opinion which the Nabob himself nore pertinently to this point, than by entertained of the services and of the fidereferring to the opinion delivered of it by lity of Nundcomar, evidently appeared in Mr. Hastings, in his minute of the 28th the distinguished marks which he conJuly, 1772, on the appointment of Rajah tinued to show him of his favour and Goordass to the office of Duan at Moor- confidence to the latest hour of his life. shedabad. That measure had been opposed by some members of the committee of council, who collected from the Company's records all that could be found to impeach the character of Nundcomar, which they annexed to a minute containing their objections to the proposed appointment of his son. In answer to these objections, and in support of his own proposition, Mr. Hastings entered a minute in the proceedings of the Committee of Circuit at Cossimbuzar on the 28th of July, and which will be found in the Bengal Narrative, p. 250-I must trouble the Committee by reading the following passage from that minute:

"The President does not take upon him to vindicate the moral character of Nundcomar; his sentiments of this man's former political conduct are not unknown to the Court of Directors, who, he is persuaded, will be more inclined to attribute his present countenance of him to motives of zeal and fidelity to the service, in repugnance, perhaps to his own inclinations, than to any predilection in his favour. He is very well acquainted with most of the facts alluded to in the minute of the majority, having been a principal instrument in detecting them; neverthe

His conduct in the succeeding administration appears not only to have been dictated by the same principles; but, if we may be allowed to speak favourably of any measures which opposed the views of our own government and aimed at the support of an adverse interest, surely it was not only not culpable, but even praise-worthy. He endeavoured, as appears by the extracts before us, to give consequence to his master, and to pave the way to his independence by obtaining a firmaun from the King for his appointment to the Subaship; and he opposed the promotion of Mahomed Reza Cawn, because he looked upon it as a supercession of the rights and authority of the Nabob. He is now an absolute dependent and subject of the Company, on whose favour he must rest all his hopes of future advancement."

The Committee will, no doubt, agree with Mr. Hastings in this view of Nundcomar's character, and in thinking that, however properly the qualities ascribed to him might render him an object of jealousy and caution to the English Government, they did not stain him with any imputation naturally dishonourable or infamous. We must recollect the irresistible prevalence

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