if made use of by one gentleman to heads about preserving it, as long as ano:her, or even by a subject of any we can preserve our own: We have rank to his sovereign. And with never been in quiet, or without a respect to the people that are to monstrous expence, since we took it judge of the expression, a sort of in our heads to be both the war-malanguage to our sovereign, which kers and peace-preservers of Europe; by the people of France would be A and it will always be the same, deemed loyal and dutiful, would hy whilst we pursue that chimera. the people of England be deemed The Hon. gentleman who spoke last low and servile, if they have any has found out an objection to the inthing left in them of that noble and famous treaty of Utrecht, as he calls great spirit, which animated the breast it, which I never heard before : He and directed the tongue of their an- says, that Spain has not now so much cestors.

B reason to be jealous of France, or to From the whole tenor of this court the friendship of this country, address, Sir, I am convinced, that it as she had when posiefed of her do. was originally the draught of our minions in Italy and the Netherlands, ministers: They call themselves the which she was Itript of by that treaty. servants of the crown ; and I find Whatever that gentleman may think their stile of language to their fo- now of that treaty, I am sure, that was vereign is much the same with that none of the reasons why he and his which a menial and mercenary ser- friends opposed it so much at the time vant would make use of to his master; it was concluded ; and I mall readily but they should confider, that as agree with him, that after the death members of this house they are not of Lewis XIV. and the seizing of the servants but the subjects of the the regency by the duke of Orleans, crown, and that as such they should which effectually divided France and talk to the king, not as flavilh and D Spain, we had no business to opfycophant Frenchmen, but as free-pose Spain's recovering what the born and sincere Englishmen ; for I formerly possessed in both

those counhad rather that all France should tries ; but then how will he answer look upon our address as disrespect for our defensive alliance with the ful, than that any one Englishman emperor in the year 1716, which should think it servile and fawning. was the original and true cause of all It is the opinion of our own country. E the broils we have since had with men only that we are to regard, and Spain? How will he answer for if I have any knowledge of the the quadruple alliance, and many temper and manners of my country- other treaties and conventions negomen, I must conclude, that every tiated by him and his friends since man in England who is not a servant that time ; all of which had the uti of the crown, will look upon this ad. Possidetis for their chief aim, and dress as inconsistent with the dignity, f some of which cost this nation infinite and beneath the character of this au- sums of money ? gust assembly.

But, Sir, there is a very great difFor this reason, Sir, if I had no ference between our not opposing other, I should be against our agree. Spain's recovering her poffeffions in ing to the address proposed; but I Italy and the Netherlands, and our have many other reasons ; for from yielding to her our own rights and pos. all the knowledge I as yet have, Ig sessions; yet this we have evidently must disapprove of every foreign done by the late treaty, according measure mentioned or referred to to all the accounts we have of it. therein. Let the present tranquillity Before the late treaty of Aix-laof Europe be what it will, I think Chapelle we had a right to ten or a we have no business to trouble ous

dozen

495

a

1751. PROCEEDINGS of the POLITICAL CLUB, &c.
dozen years in the assiento contract cause, if there had, I am very fure,
and annual ship, because of the in- his majesty would not have neglected
terruptions Spain had given to our to have mentioned it in his speech
enjoying that contract : By that from the throne ; and as there is no
treaty, which many people think such acknowledgment, instead of
more infamous than the treaty of congratulating his majesty, I must
Utrecht, we gave up all but four A condole with my country, on the
years; and now by this last treaty we conclusion of this treaty with the
have given up that too, and also king of Spain. The Hon. gentle-
our right to reparation for the many man says, it is better to yield in se-
depredations committed in time of veral points, to Spain, than in any
peace upon our South-Sea company one to France. What occafion have
and merchants, and all for the poor we, Sir, to yield in any material
consideration of 100,000l. And B point to either? If we once begin,
what is of much more consequence, there is no end of yielding. We must
we have tacitly given up our right next yield up Gibraltar and Port-
to a free navigation in the American Mahon : Then we must yield up
seas; for suppose that a confirmation our settlements upon the Musqueto
of former treaties should in English More in America, and our right to
mean a confirmation of that right, cut logwood in the bays of Hondu.
I am very fure, that in Spanilh it will Cras and Campechey : After that we
mean the very reverse; and the mif- must yield up Jamaica and the Ba-
fortune is, that the Spanish meaning hama islands; and lalt of all, if there
is molt consonant to reason and the can be a laft in yielding, we muft yield
nature of things, Our right to a up our provinces of Georgia and
free navigation is not founded on South-Carolina ; for all these the
treaty : It is founded on the law of Spaniards now claim a right to ;
nations ; but the Spaniards say, we D and for what I know, they may
have by treaty given up that right, then begin to lay claim to all
so far as is necessary for preventing plantations in America. And all
a contraband trade with their settle. chele concessions we must make, Sir,
ments ; therefore a confirmation of for the sake of getting Spain to join
former treaties must be understood with us in preserving the tranquillity
to be a confirmation of the right they of Germany, besides bribing the
have acquired by treaty, but can ne- E princes thereof not to cut the throats
ver be understood as a confirmation of one another.
of our right which is not founded Sir, we all know, that our money
upon any treaty:

has always had great weight in Ger-
For this reason, Sir, we ought many ; but if we ever think of ex-
not, according to the advice of par. tricating this nation from the debts
liament, to have concluded any and taxes it groans under, we must-
treaty with Spain, without an ex- F conclude, that we have no more
press acknowledgment of our right of that weight to bestow ; and these
to a free navigation in the open seas of subsidy treaties, of which this with
America ; for it was not youthfulness Bavaria is but the first, will very
that made me concur in that advice, probably furnish France with a pre-
and the older I grow, I am the more tence to interfere more openly in the
convinced that I was right ; which affairs of Germany than she does at
perhaps may be owing to my being G present. We may remember, that our
still on the same side of the house calling for the Danish troops just
I was on at that time. That there then taken into our pay, and their
is no such acknowledgment in this marching towards Hanover, furnished
late treaty I am well convinced, be- France with a pretence for pouring

Our

her

ber armies into Germany, which, fign, not only out of resentment, but
if it had not been for a miraculous because I should from thence con-
intervention of Providence, would clude, that an absolute government
have entirely ruined the house of would render us more formidable to
Austria. I shall not say that France, that nation, and more capable to de.
after she had procured an alliance fend ourselves against its attacks,
with Prussia, would not otherwise A than the government we now live
have sent her armies into Germany ; under.
but our beginning to bring foreign But, Sir, the untimely death of the
troops into that country, gave her a emperor, or the establishment of de-
pretence, which imposed upon many spotick power in Sweden, are not the
of the princes of Germany, and pre.. only events that may involve Europe
vented their resenting this invasion in the calamities of war : The death
of their country.

We know that B of the king of Poland, an attack France is one of the guarantees from the Turks either upon Russia or of the treaty of Westphalia, and Hungary, or even the disputes we consequently of the liberties and con- have with France, may have the ftitution of the German empire :' fame effe&t. I could mention several Our thus giving subsidies to the elec- others : It is impossible to guard tors, may furnish her with a pretence, against them all; therefore the wisest that we are going to oppress the li- course we can take, is to save as berties of Germany, by means of much money as we can during the bribery and corruption; and that she tranquillity, let it be happy or no, is obliged to take upon her the de. which we enjoy, in order to pay off fence of the liberties of the Germa

as much as we can of the national nick body against such scandalous at. debt, that in case any new war tempts.

should happen, we may, if necessary, I am, therefore, of opinion, Sir, Dengage in it with fresh credit; for to that with regard to the election of the joy of all usurers it may be fore. a king of the Romans, we ought to seen, that every future war we enhave left the German princes entire- gage in, must be carried on upon ly to themselves : In common pru- credit, and not by the annual supdence we ought not to have openly plies, because of these; without opintermeddled, especially by that of pressing the landed interest, we have granting subsidies ; because it will E hardly enough left to support our render the election contefted, should

government in time of peace. we succeed in our project ; and as From what I have said, Sir, genlittle do I think, that we ought to tlemen must see, that, according to intermeddle in the domestick affairs my way of thinking, I can neither of Sweden. I hope his majefty no make acknowledgments nor congraway concurred in that message or tulations upon any of our late mea. memorial lately sent by the Russian F sures ; and I am sure, no man who re. court to that of Sweden ; for such a collects the declarations of France message I think fufficient to provoke upon the death of the emperor the Swedes to throw themselves a. Charles VI. can express hopes, much gain under despotick power, had less well-grounded hopes, from any they ocherwise no inclination to do declarations that court can make ; fo. If France should send a message and most of the courts of Europe to this court, threatning us with an G now begin to follow their example. attack, in case we should attempt to Thus, Sir, you fee, that I can join veft our sovereign with absolute pow- in no part of what has been proer, it would with me be a prevailing posed to be left out, by the noble argument to co-operate in luch a de lord who spoke first in this debate ;

therefore,

I

1751. PROCEEDINGS of the POLITICAL CLUB, &c. 497
therefore, I hope, and am per- the West Indies, and the French cara
fuaded, he will insist upon his mo- rying on an open war against our in-
tion, in which he shall have my fant colony of Nova Scotia ?
hearty concurrence.

This therefore is an epiihet which

is notoriously false; and tho' I make The next that spoke upon this Occasion, no doubt of his majesty's application,

was Decius Magius, whose Speech A or of his judgment as to the foundawas in Substance thus.

tion on which the present tranquillity Mr. President,

may be most securely established; yet

I am very sure, that we have not auSIR,

thority, from any sort of knowledge, Shall not trouble you much with to say, that the endeavours of his

ministers have been unwearied, or Ted : All I Mall say upon that subject B that the foundation they have chosen is, that is an indigent author, to whom is she sureft. Then with regard to I had before been very bountiful, the treaty with Spain, if it be such should dedicate a book to me with a as we have had in our news papers, dedication so full of plain and fulsomn and I have some reason to believe it flattery, I should be apt to toss his is, I am surprised how any minister dedication into my fire, and himself could say, that any particular difout at my window ; for I will main-C ferences between the two nations tain it, that there is not an epithet have by this treaty been settled, unmade use of in this address, but what less it be those we have tamely given is notoriously falle, or such an one up; for besides the assiento contract, as we have no authority to make use and our South Sea company's de. of, either from parliamentary know- mand upon the king of Spain, there ledge or any other sort of know. is no one difference settled, but what ledge ; for I must insist upon it, D was before fully settled by the treaty that the speech from the throne, in 1715, which treaty was, I hope, which must always by us be confi- confirmed by the general treaty of dered as the speech of the minister, Aix-la-Chapelle ; for by that treaty can be no authority for us to give a in 1715, the Pie del fardo, now so laudative epithet to any publick much boasted of, was established, and transaction. The Hon. gentleman our righi to gather falt in the island who spoke last on the other side E of Tortugas was acknowledged. In of the house, was pleased to say, short, there is no one particular difthat the present tranquillity is better ference adjusted by this new treaty, than a dangerous and expensive war, but what had been adjusted by the and in that respect may be called former, except, as I have said, the happy. I shall most readily grant, afliento contract, and the debt due Sir, that any sort of tranquillity is by Spain to our South-Sea company, better than such an ill concerted and f both which we have given up for worse conducted war as the last was ; the trifling sum of 100,000l. I say but I must deny, that in that respect trifling, Sir; for it must be deemed it can be called a happy tranquillity; so, when we consider the value of for then every tranquillity must be the company's demand, and that of a happy tranquillity ; but surely the asiento contract even for the there are different forts of tranquil. four years. I Mall grant, Sir, that in lity, and can we call the present the last article of the affiento treaty it tranquillity happy, when we know, is insinuated, that former affientists that the Spaniards are every day had sustained lofles ; but that was seizing and confiscating our ships in probably inserted as an excuse to the S-M-n.

Spanish subjects, for his Catholick maNovember, 1751.

Rrs

jelty's

jeity's granting us an annual ship; or if never find, during the life of the prethere was any real lofs, it mighe have sent emperor ; because by one of the arisen from the restraint former al- constitutions of the empire it is exfientists were under, as to the ports or presly declared, that no such election places where they were to import and Mall ever be made during the life of vend their negroes, whereas our the then reigning emperor, unless it afiento company were exprefly freed A be unanimously agreed by the elecfrom any such restraint; and we can toral college, that such an election is hardly suppose, that the importers become absolutely neceflary for the could be losers, when they could immediate safety of the empire ; and sell their negroes for 300 pieces this, I think, we may be assured the of eight, which by the treaty seems present electoral college will never to be the lowest price they might ex- unanimously agree to : The king of pect, and it was stipulated, that all B Prussia in particular has for his part the duties to be paid upon importa- in a manner declared against any such tion, should not exceed 33 pieces of election, and in his letter upon

this eight and one third. Then as to subject seems to refer to this very con. the annual hip, I shall grant, that ftitution. from the pufillanimous conduct of a But, Sir, suppofing it possible that late miniiter, that ship and trade be. such an unanimous resolution of the came a nuisance to the nation ; but C electoral college could be obtained, if we had taken care, in our treaties I think, that our granting upon that with the court of Spain, to oblige account an annual subsidy to any one them to make full reparation for the of the electoral college, is the most unjust seizures they made, they effe&tual way we can take to prevent would not have been so ready to it ; for if we grant a subsidy to any repeat them upon a new rupture ; one, every one will expect the same, and I am persuaded, that the national D and will refuse his consent until he gain upon the annual ship alone, has obtained it : And after we have would ha amounted

thus taken the whole electoral col. 100,000l. yearly, and consequently lege into our pay, they will all, for that it wonld have been well worth the fake of having the subsidy rethe nation's while to have resumed newed and continued, put off the the trade, tho' there was, by our election, until after the death of the conceflion in the treaty of Aix-la- E present emperor ; because, lould Chapelle, but four years remaining the election be once made, our reason of the term.

for granting those subsidies must It is therefore evident, Sir, that cease, and consequently they must we should be a little more sparing in expect that our fubfidies will cease our congratulations upon the con- also. clusion of this treaty with Spain,

For this reason, Sir, I can no which to me seems calculated for no- F way applaud the wisdom or foresight thing but to amuse the vulgar and of granting any fuch subsidy ; and ignorant : And I can see no national if it were possible to bring on an elecseason for our engaging to pay any tion by fuch means, it would, in my subsidy to the duke of Bavaria ; for opinion, give France a just reason if the election of a king of the Ro. for opposing it by force of arms ; mans be said to be the reason, if becaule by the moit fundamental and that be the sure foundation upon Geffential constitution of the empire, which the present tranquillity is to

the election of an emperor, or king be cstablished, it is a foundation we of the Romans, ought to be free, must dig for at a vast expence, and,

which no election can be, that is in my opinion, a foundation we fall directed by the influence of corrup

to

near

a