306 PROCEEDINGS of the POLITICAL CLUB, &c. July cil of regency was appointed without any regent, and that council of regency fubjected to the advice, that is to fay, the government of another council. chimerical apprehenfion? It is now above 200 years fince the last minority happened, and it may be as long before another happens, or may be like to happen; can we fuppofe, that 200 years hence they will think them- Thus, Sir, every precedent has felves bound to do what is now done, A in time paft been different from the even tho' the circumstances should be former, and it will probably be fo the fame, much less, fhould the cir- in time to come. Nay, I think it cumstances be entirely different? Do must be fo; for in every future minonot our hiftories inform us, that what rity, the particular circumftances of was done in this refpect at one time, the nation, and the particular chawas never exactly followed at ano- racters as well as condition of the ther, and that we are now about to B chief perfons then in being, must be do what was never done before? confidered; therefore nothing can be The first regency appointed during a more abfurd than to fay, that a geminority was that of the earl of Pem- neral rule ought or can in fuch cafes broke, which was a fole regency, be established. I fhall grant, that in with very little, if any thing, lefs most of our past minorities, a counthan fovereign power; and tho' that cil of regency was appointed; and lafted not three years, and was a most C it was then neceffary, as often as an glorious regency, yet they did not ufurpation was to be apprehended; at that time exactly follow the pre- because annual parliaments were not cedent: They appointed, 'tis true, then ufual or neceffary; but as they the bishop of Winchester fole regent, are now abfolutely neceffary, a few but they bridled his power by apnew limitations upon the regent, or pointing a chief jufticiary whom he an annual regency, may be fufficient, could not remove; and the difputes D without a council of regency, even between these two had like to have when there is the greatest danger of thrown the nation into confufion. an ufurpation; for that a council of The next minority, which was a mi- regency will create faction, and that nority made by ufurpation and mur- faction, by weakening our governder, was that of Edward III, and ment, is productive of many misforthen the parliament was fo far from tunes, feems to me fo certain from following the former precedent, that E the nature of things, that I fhall not they appointed a council of regency enter into an altercation with the without any regent. In the third learned getleman, whether our mifminority, meaning that of Richard II. fortunes during the minorities of Rithree joint regents were appoint- chard II. and Henry VI. proceeded, with a council of regency; and ed from the factions in our counthis precedent was again departed cils of regency, or from some other from in the next minority, that of F caufe. That there were other causes Henry VI. when two protectors I do not doubt, but what was the with a council of regency were ap- principal caufe, it is not now poffible pointed, but the two protectors were to determine. One thing we are fure not joint but separate, as one of them of, that the nation did at both those was to act only in the absence of the times meet with very fignal misforother. In the minority of Edward tunes, and this ought to be a caution V. no regency at all was legally G to us, not to fet up again any fuch appointed; and in the minority of fort of government, if it can poffibly Edward VI. a new model of go- be avoided. vernment was made, quite different from any of the former; for a coun But, Sir, by this bill we are not only going to establish such a sort of go. 1751. On the Frequency of Robberies and Murders. government, but we are going to 307 fonable may be, he becomes liable to the penalties of being put out of the king's protection, and of forfeiting his lands, tenements, goods, and chattels. Therefore, Sir, if no other amendment should be agreed to, I hope, that when this claufe comes to be confidered in the committee, the projectors of this bill will give up their pretence to infallibility, and admit of the word, lawfully, being inferted in this claufe by way of amendment. [This JOURNAL to be continued in our next.] To the AUTHOR, &c. M URDERS, robberies, &c. being now arrived to that degree, as to render it hazardous to travel the highways, and almost unfafe to walk the streets; it is become highly neceffary to confider, how fuch crimes may be crush'd, and fuch cruelties prevented. Some have, with reafon, propos'd foftening the laws, and making them more mild, and adequate to the different degrees of injuftice; others are for increafing the pains and penalties, and endeavouring to extirpate fuch iniquities by feverer punishments. But it is, furely, a vain attempt to put a stop to fuch crimes by the halter; the nation may thereby be depopulated, but never amendF ed. If we would really prevent fuch intolerable diforders, we fhould, like skilful phyficians, remove the cause of them, and not vainly fight against the effects. To know the true caufe of the distemper, is the firft and fureft ftep towards its cure: Nor is there any great fagacity required in finding out the caufe; for what can it be otherways owing to, but that general corruption and immorality, which has for fome years paft been Sir, I have often heard parliaments called the wifdom of the British nation, but, I believe no preceding parliament ever affumed the cha- E racter of such infallibility; and I can not think we have any greater reafon than our predeceffors to affume that character; for, I believe, we have hardly paffed one act, fince we had a being, but what was found to ftand in need of fome alteration, a mendment, or explanation, before the very next feflion. Why then fhould we affume fuch a character upon this occafion? Why fhould we fuppofe, that this act, if it fhould ever take place, may not be found to want fome alteration? If it G fhould, he will be a bold undertaker, that shall advife or concur in any fuch attempt, however neceffary it may appear; because, should the attempt bè defeated, as the moft rea Q92 308 The only MEANS of reforming a NATION. fo fedulously propagated thro' the kingdom? Conftant experience demonftrates, that example always prevails over precept. When, therefore, the lower claffes of mankind fee their fuperiors wallowing in luxury and corruption, can it be fuppofed that they will be honeft, frugal, and induftrious? Mankind in general do indeed feldom pay a willing obedience to thofe laws, which the law makers themselves do not obferve If a fot fhould pre ch up fobriety, or a common pro?itute chaitity; will poe their practice make more profelytes than their precepts? It is rolling the fone of Sifyphus, or wafhing the Ethiopian white, to inculcate virtue with the mouth of vice. The neceffity of reformation is not more clear and evident, than where it ought to begin. That community muft, of natural confequence, tend ápace to the moft calamitous confufion, where the whole machine of government turns upon the wheels of corruption; where gold gives fanétion to the vileft crimes, and little villains must fubmit to fuffer, that great ones may be more at ease. In a well regulated commonwealths juffice will ever be impartially adminiftered, nor the rich fuffer'd to tyrannize over the poor. Juftice is the chief band of human fociety; and whenever that is once thoroughly perverted, the band is broke, and men are let loofe, like wild beafts, to prey upon one another. How miferable muft any nation be, where luxury and corruption are fo far encouraged, that the vices of the people are deemed neceffary for the fupport of the state! Where a corrupt action impoverish the kingdom te enrich themselves, and by reducing the people to poverty, and fetting them fuch thameful examples of im morality, not only feauce, but aimel compel them to commit the mett atrocious crimes. Every ration that would be happy, must be virtuous; and all rulers, who July expect their laws to be reverenced and obey'd, fhould themselves, first of all, reverence and obey the laws of God. They who conftitute the laws of a commonwealth fhould, of all others, be most careful in obAferving them; and, above all, they ought moft religiously to keep inviolate the fundamental and conftitutional laws of the kingdom; for thofe laws are the people's property: Which when they break, they rob every individual, and fet a moft pernicious pattern for general injuftice. B C D E F They that preach up one thing, and practise another; they that make good laws, and do themfelves break them, act, in fome meatures, like the French and Spaniards; who give us good words, and fair profeflions of friendship; yet, at the fame time, commit against us the highest acts of hoftility; as at Nova Scotia, the Neutral iflands, in the American feas, and on the coaft of Africa; where they deftroy our colonies, detain our' iflands, rob our merchants, and ruin our fettlements. But that which hurts us more than all foreign enemies, is our domeftick luxury and corruption: Even while we feel all the preffures of poverty, and every thing we eat, or drink, or wear, carries with it fome mark of our mifery, and fhould incite us to fome honeft endeavours to remove them; yet we let our luxury increase with our poverty, and, like abandoned fpendthrifts, when brought to the laft bag, we more profufely lavish away the little left. I am, &c. BRITANNICUS. To the AUTHOR of the LONDON SIR, THE HE G piece fign'd Alafiotes, publifhed in your excellent Magazine for Jan. laft, p. 23, I fee is well received by the ingenious authors of the Candid Difquifitions, and thought worthy 1751. A Letter in relation to the Candid Difquifitions. 309 A C worthy of a place, in their Appeal to D E iffue, fo long as truth is difcovered, 1751. 310 On the CONDUCT of the late WAR. July of our expectations, is a truth so well very nofes; one of which had well known, that it need not be expatiat- nigh carried off the old marshal from ed upon here. Various have been his quarters; but which were, I fupthe opinions, with regard to the cau- pofe, difcouraged from attempting any fes of our miscarriage, and many more an enterprize that would have pieces have been writ upon that fub- been, if fuccessful, moft prejudicial ject. All these I have perufed; but A to themselves. And when we left all with faint fatisfaction, in compa- their country, loaded alike with glorison of that I receiv'd, in reading a ry and with spoils, they faw us march, pamphlet juft printed, intitled, A in order of battle, to attack count brief Narrative of the late Campaigns Saxe behind Pont Efpierre, above in Germany and Flanders, in a Letter three days after we heard of his beto a Member of Parliament; an ex- ing there, with only half his forces, tract from which you printed, in your B and two days after he had left it; and laft Magazine, p. 263. The very cu- then retire ingloriously into winter rious and interefting particulars told quarters.-A campaign fo glaringly in the pamphlet in queftion, leaves mifmanaged, obliged the commanno room to doubt, but that the au- ders, who could not vindicate it thor knew all the fprings of action; from blame, to throw it on each and the manner in which he has other. Their recriminations fucdrawn up his narrative, proves him ceeded, if not their apologies; for to be an excellent writer. the world was pretty well convinced they were all in fault. As our fuperiority this campaign evinces the truth I would establish; that we had the means in our power of finishing the war, with as much glory as we D had begun it with wisdom, if they had been properly used; fo doth the inferiority of the enemy furnish us with another truth no less material: For, as their inferiority was occafioned by the detachments neceffary to defend Alface from the arms of Speaking of the neceffity of our embarking in the laft war, he proceeds thus." If then the steps taken by England, at thefe junctures, have ever been approved of because of their neceffity, this laft war is furely intitled to more approbation, because, undertaken on the fame principle of felf prefervation, it was called for by more urgent neceffity. The branches, at thefe periods, were in danger of being lopped off; but now the ax was laid to the root of the tree itself, which in its fall must have crushed us alfo. And therefore we were called upon, by felf-prefervation, to put our shoulders to it, to prop and fupport it; and more fo, fince France had fomented the quarrel between us and Spain, and pufhed it to that pafs, that they even sent a fleet to the Weft-Indies to guard and affift the Spaniards, and to fupport them in that unjust breach of their treaties." C E F Speaking of our inactivity under the late marfhal W-e in Flanders, he adds:--"The French faw us de-G tach, to defend the canal of Bruges, after that contributions had been drawn from beyond it. They infulted us with their parties even to our prince Charles, it fhews that France is not able to make head against such an alliance, if attack'd with vigour on all hands." "Tho' the misfortunes of this campaign [1746,] were owing to the caufe I have mentioned; yet they were, with no little induftry, imputed to the mifmanagement of prince Charles. That his place might be fupplied by another, it was neceffary he should be deemed unfit for it. His late defeats from the Pruffians gained the eafier credit to the charge of incapacity brought against him, in fpite of all his great actions. Nor was that all: His private character was called in aid to depreciate his publick; and he was ac |