297 17513 JOURNAL of the PROCEEDINGS and DEBATES in the POLITICAL CLUB, continued from p. 259. In the Debate begun in your laft, the Mr. Chairman, I and happy would it have been for the young monarch, as well as the nation, had he lived till his pupil came of age. In the fhort period of three years, by his being fole regent, he brought order out of as great conA fufion as ever any unhappy country was expofed to; and had he lived 20 more, the young king would. from him, have learned principles and maxims very different from those that were afterwards inculcated into him, and that were the cause of al the misfortunes in which he was afterwards involved. B C DO not ftand up with any hopes, much less an expectation, that what I can fay upon the subject now under confideration, will have an influence upon any gentleman in this houfe; but the bill now before us is of fuch importance, and in my opinion will, in cafe of an emergency, which heaven avert, introduce fuch an unneceflary and dangerous alteration in our conftitution, that I think myfelf obliged to declare my diffent, in a manner more open and explicit, than by giving it a bare negative. The great honour this house has done me by continuing me fo long in the chair, laid me under an obligation, and, indeed, I thought it my indifpenfable duty, to inquire as narrowly as I could into the nature of our conftitution, and to study what might tend most effectually to its prefervation, or what might, on the contrary, moft probably contribute to its diffolution. From this ftudy I have learned, that the royal power may be limited, but it cannot E be divided; and that no attempt was ever made to divide it, but what was foon followed by confufion, which always ended in tyranny. Let us compare this, Sir, with what happened during the future minorities: I need not mention the fhort minority of Edward III. becaufe the government of his mother was rather an ufurpation than a regency; and the oppreffivenefs of her government, together with the info. lence of her favourite Mortimer, was, perhaps, the chief reafon why the parliament would not truft the mother of Richard II. with any share Din the regency, as the fufpicions they entertained of the duke of Lancaster were the cause why they would not truft him with being fole regent; and to have appointed any other would have been fuch an indignity put upon him, as must have produced an immediate civil war, which would have been of the most dangerous confequence at a time when the nation was involved in open war with France and Spain, and the continuance of the peace with Scotland extremely precarious. In thefe untoward circumftances, the parliament thought Sir, we had once a fole and a glorious regent; I mean the great earl of Pembroke, in the infancy of Henry III. He might, perhaps, be laid under fome additional limitations by that affembly of the barons, by whom he was fo wifely chofen; but all our histories teftify, that he was fole. All his actions fhew that he was fo; AO July, 1751. F thenfelves under an abfolute necelli ty to aim at dividing the royal power, by appointing what may be called a council of regency, for governing the kingdom during the king's minority. What was the conicquence? No one meafure was purfued PP 298 PROCEEDINGS of the POLITICAL CLUB, &c. fued with unanimity and fteadiness, confequently nothing refolved on was attended with any fuccefs; and the people suffered not only by foreign invafions, but by domeftick infurrections. Notwithstanding the misfortunes A this fort of government, or rather mifgovernment, by a council of regency, was attended with, yet it was made a precedent for the very next minority that happened, which was upon the death of Henry V. Then likewife, Sir, there were feveral, in- B deed cogent reafons for not appointing a fole regent: Such a regency must have been vefted either in the queen-mother, or in the infant king's eldeft uncle, the duke of Bedford : As to the mother, the might, with fome reason, be thought incapable C to manage the heavy war we were then engaged in with her brother, the dauphin of France; and befides, her affection for Owen Tudor, whom fhe foon after married, was probably known or fufpected in England, which created a jealoufy that, in D cafe of her being appointed fole regent, Tudor would foon become a fecond Mortimer. Thefe were good reafons for not vefting the fole regency in the queen-mother; and as the duke of Bedford was prefumptive heir of the crown, in cafe of the E infant king's death, who was not then a year old, it was a moft fubftantial reafon for not vefting him with fovereign power; and this reafon was fupported not only by the late king's will, but probably by the whole intereft of his brother, the duke of Gloucester. Thefe reafons, Sir, made a fecond attempt to divide the royal power almoft unavoidable; and every one knows the confufion and the misfortunes it produced. 1 fhall, as far as I can, draw a veil over the ufurped regency and fovereignty of Richard II. and come next to that regency which was appointed by the will of Henry VIII when a third attempt July was made to divide the royal power, by putting the kingdom under the government of a council of regency. How long did this impracticable fort of government laft? In lefs than a year after the king's death, the duke of Somer et ufurped the fole regency with fovereign power: Happy had it been for the nation, as well as the young king, had his power been legally established; because he might then have enjoyed it without jealoufy, and he feems to have been a man who had no finiftrous defigns; but as it was ufurped, it was the occafion of his ruin, and the duke of Northumberland fucceeded by the fame means to the fame power. He foon began to form a plot for having the crown transferred to one of his fons, and was not a little fufpected of having been the caufe of the untimely death of that hopeful prince, Edward VI. which made way for queen Mary's afcending the throne, and putting an end to the life, as well as the ambitious projects, of the duke of Northumberland. Thefe obfervations upon our hiftory, Sir, confirm the maxim I have. laid down, that the fovereign, that is to fay, the executive power of our government, may be limited, but it cannot be divided. Such a divifion always has produced confufion, from the nature of mankind it always muft produce confufion; for most men, from their nature, will grafp at power, and can never be fatisfied with what they have: Even the most ab. folute monarch of the most extenfive empire is not fatisfied with what he has, but endeavours to increase his power by enlarging his empire; and fhould he conquer the world, according to the vulgar faying of Alexander, he would fit down and weep, that there was not another G world for him to conquer. Can we then doubt of confufion's being the confequence of the divifion of the royal power intended by this bill? Can we difpute its being a total al F teration 1751. PROCEEDINGS of the POLITICAL CLUB, &c. 299 B C gent I do not reckon in the number, becaufe, I am fure, fhe must be a mere cypher. Can fuch a government fubfift for any time? Sir, from experience we may forefee, that while it does fubfift there will be nothing but contention, and that fome one of thefe new created kings muft foon ufurp the whole power. Can an ufurpation be fupported by any thing but abfolute power? Was there ever such a power that did not foon grow tyrannical, with respect to all thofe that would not blindly and baly join in its fupport? teration of our conftitution? Sir, it is plainly fetting up an oligarchy, inftead of our limited monarchy; and in this oligarchy it is, I think, evident, that the perfon appointed regent will have little or no fhare : She can have nothing but a name; A for, in my opinion, there is nothing more certain than that the members of the council of regency, or a majority of them, will unite against her, efpecially as you are by the bill to provide a head for that majority; and as he cannot govern without them, fhe muft fubmit to be governed by them; fo that when we talk Were we now, Sir, involved in fuch a dilemma as the nation was of the power fhe is to have of naming to this or that poft or office, we upon the death of Edward III. or really deceive ourselves: The patent Henry V. there might be fome exor commiffion must indeed be in her cufe for our introducing fuch a new name, but the muft grant it to the form of government : But can any perfon prefcribed to her by the ma- one now fay, that a woman is not jority of the council of regency: capable to govern this nation, either If he does not, confufion must en- in time of war, or in time of peace? fue, which will of courfe end in veft- Can the 'eaft objection be made aing her, or more probably the head gaiot the fole regency of the person, of that majority, not only with fove- who by this bill is to have only the reign but with abfolute power D name? We are therefore now going to place our country upon the verge of a precipice, from whence the leaft touch may tumble it headlong into confufion and civil wars, not only without any neceflity, but at a time when the legiflature never had a better opportunity, or more caufe to avoid the danger. I have hitherto never ceafed to pray for the continuance of his majesty's most precious life; but fhould this bill, in its prefent form, pals into a law, I fhould, pray with more ardour than ever before, and I do now moft fincerely pray, that his majefly may live till long after his next fucceffor is come of age; for this will be the only means, by which we can avoid thofe dangers, we are by this bill going to expofe ourselves to. In short, Sir, this bi feems calculated for eftablishing a power that I confefs myfelf afraid of, as much as I can be of any power beneath the divine. I never could, I never fhall flatter, efpecially as to what I fay in this houfe; nor have I any E occafion to do fo: I have nothing to afk, and confequently, whilft our conftitution is preferved, I have nothing to fear; but fhould arbitrary power be once in any fhape eftablifhed in this kingdom," the most innocent, the moft meritorious would have the most to fear. This is what every good man ought, what every wife one will guard againft; and the best way to guard against it, is never upon any emergency to depart from our antient conflitution, or to introduce any new form of government, if it can poffibly be avoided. Is this bill framed upon any fuch maxim ? Are we not thereby to fet up 10 or 14 kings instead of one for the re F G I fay the only means, Sir, because I put very little trul in that which, it is faid, may protect the regent and the nation against a factious majority in the council of regency. It doe 300 PROCEEDINGS of the POLITICAL CLUB, &c. July Therefore, I hope, this project of a council of regency will be laid afide, and that we will content ourfelves, in cafe it fhould be thought neceffary, with laying the regent under a few limitations, particularly A with regard to peace and war, or treaties with foreign ftates; for I do not think it would be wrong to provide, that even our fovereign fhould not declare war, or finally conclude any foreign treaty, without the confent of parliament. not belong to me, Sir, to prophefy Thefe, Sir, are my fentiments upon the important fubject now before us. From what I have faid I do not fo much as expect fuccefs; but one thing I am fure of: I fhall have the pleasure of reflecting, that I have done my duty, in warning you of C the misfortunes to which, I think, you are going to expose your country. Under fuch reftrictions, Sir, as ambition always aims at the overthrow of its fuperiors, I think it is D highly probable, that a combination will be formed against the regent in this council of regency; and fhould E that combination fo far fucceed, as This is an attempt, Sir, that will, in my opinion, without the leaft doubt, be made. The very attempt will throw us into confufion; and should it fucceed, it may prove fatal to our young fovereign, perhaps to the illuftrious family now upon our throne. G Upon this Arrianus Maturius food up, and spoke in Subftance as follows, viz. Mr. Chairman, felf of a different opinion from AM always forry when I find my the Hon. gentleman who fpoke laft, and I never was more fo than upon the prefent occafion, because I think the bill now before us of fuch importance, that I cannot yield in complaifance to his opinion, as I would otherwife willingly do, tho' not fully convinced by his reafons. As I know his opinion will always have great weight in this houfe, tho' his modefty does not allow him to think fo, I therefore think myself the more obliged to give my reafons for differing from him in opinion, and must begin with obferving, that a minority is a misfortune fo neceffarily incident to our conftitution, that it ought, as far as poffible, to be provided against by a general ftanding law; and that tho' no general regulation Mr. A GL. |