depravity. If the administration of annual bribes to the Members of the Legislature, independent of the influence of places, public and private, is become so necessary, and the practice so mechanical as to comprise the most essential department of government-is it not a matter of indelible disgrace on the nation, and on the constitution? There is no species of corruption to be found in the ancient governments that equals it. It is a perfect parricide. The British empire has been dismembered by it-so fatally true is that maxim of Lord Burleigh, "that England can never be undone but by her Parliament *

*Of the many FACTS which might be stated, the following may serve for a specimen :

Towards the end of the session, the Secretary of the Treasury, Mr. Bradshaw, one day accosts Mr. Lowndes (Member for Bucks) with, Sir, you have voted with us all the winter; some return is usually expected upon these occasions; and as we are much obliged to you for your constant support, if you chuse to accept of two hundred Lottery Tickets, at Ten Pounds each, they are at your service." Mr. Lowndes bowed, expressed his great friendship for the Secretary, and accepted of the offer; adding only, That as the session was just upon the close, he should, as soon as it was finished, go into the country upon his private affairs; and begged the tickets might be sent to such a one, his banker; which the Secretary having promised to comply with, they parted. Mr. Lowndes went to Winslow. The tickets were delivered: none, however, were sent to Mr. Lowndes's banker. The reason of which was, they had been distributed among that part of the Common Council who voted against the Livery having the use of Guildhall,

Notwithstanding the conference ended in the manner that has been already related, the Earl of

Mr. Lowndes, hearing nothing of the tickets, wrote to his banker, who returned for answer, that he had not received nor heard of; any tickets. Mr. Lowndes next wrote to Mr. Bradshaw, who in his answer, "begged a thousand pardons; that the matter had quite slipped his memory; that the tickets were all disposed of, except five and-twenty, which were at his service." Mr. Lowndes meanly accepted of the twenty-five, and they were sent to his banker's. By these tickets he probably cleared about one hundred pounds. Such was his douceur for voting one session with the Duke of Grafton.

In a late Parliament; the Nabob of Arcot had nine members in his interest-Might not any European prince have twice that number by the same means?-Do not these facts speak stronger than a thousand arguments, the necessity of a Parliamentary Reform?

But it is further remarkable, and in the breast of every honest man it must be matter of sincere lamentation, that douceurs have been given even to the Judges.-Sir Richard Aston, in particular, was seen selling his tickets in 'Change Alley; and when the fact was mentioned to him at the Old Bailey at dinner, he confessed it, and said, he had as good a right to sell his tickets as Mr. Justice Willes, or any body else.-Is not this circumstance a full answer to all the encomiums on the independence of the Judges?

But what Mr. Alderman James Townshend said in the House of Commons on the sixth day of December 1770, is, if possible, of more importance than the preceding. "I am afraid," he said, “that there is too great a vicinity between Westminster-hall and St. James's. I suspect, and the people sospect, that their corsay it is susrespondence is too close and intimate. But why do I pected? It is a known avowed fact. A late Judge, equally remarkable for his knowledge and integrity, was tampered with by administration. He was solicited to favour the Crown in certain trials,

Sandwich having occasion to make a visit to the Duke of Newcastle, his Lordship went next morning (Tuesday July 21), when the Duke took an opportunity of resuming the subject of the preceding conference: "He earnestly conjured his Lordship to exert his abilities, and employ all his good offices in endeavouring to reconcile the parties who had differed; he urged again, and again, the ne

which were then depending between the Crown and the subject. I hear some gentlemen desiring me to name the Judge: but there is no necessity for it. (Sir Joseph Yates was the Judge meant.) The fact is known to several members of this House; and if I do not speak truth, let those who can, contradict me. I call upon them to rise, that the public may not be abused-but all are filent, and can as little invalidate what I have said, as what I am going to say. This great, this honest Judge, being thus solicited in vain, what was now to be done? What was the last resource of baffled injustice? that was learned from a short conversation which passed between him and some friends, a little before his death. The last and most powerful engine was applied. A letter was sent him directly from a Great Personage: but as he suspected it to contain something dishonourable, he sent it back unopened. He could not die in peace 'till he had disclosed this scene of iniquity!"

And in a pamphlet, published by Robert Morris, Esq. of Lincoln's Inn, entitled A Letter to Sir Richard Aston, are these words, "Whilst the offence of libelling is treated as the most dangerous, hateful, and flagitious, the King is consulted upon the revenge which he would chuse to take upon his admonishers; for it was manifest, from Mr. Justice Aston's Speech, upon the case of one of the publishers of Junius's Letters, (Prosecution of Mr. A.) that his Majesty was not quite out of the secret of that prosecution." Page 37.

cessity of their agreeing upon this important occasion: he trembled for the mischiefs and dangers which must arise from a division of their strength and interest; and concluded with repeatedly sup plicating in the strongest terms, that they might be brought together again at his house that evening." Lord Sandwich waited on the Duke of Bedford; and the Duke of Newcastle went himself to the Marquis of Rockingham. Accordingly the following five met at Newcastle-house that evening, viz. the Dukes of Bedford and Newcastle, the Marquis of Rockingham, Mr. Dowdeswell, and Mr. Rigby. When the Marquis insisting on the proposal he had before made, respecting Mr. Conway, and declaring that he would not agree to any arrangement in which Mr. Conway was not included in that capacity; and the Duke of Bedford refusing to agree to it, the conference finally broke off.

Next day, Wednesday, the Marquis of Rockingham waited on the King at St. James's, and respectfully acquainted his Majesty, that he had met his friends, who had agreed to his proposal of his being first Lord of the Treasury; but that they had differed in providing for Mr. Conway, and that in consequence of that difference, he had no plan of administration to lay before him. The King thanked

his Lordship for the pains he had taken, and the regard he had shewn for his service; but added,

that he never knew the Treasury was intended for

his Lordship*.

From the conclusion of this answer it is clear, that either the Marquis of Rockingham greatly mistook the Duke of Grafton in the conferences he had with his Grace; or that his Grace was not suffici ently explicit in his conversations with the Marquis.

*The moment the Marquis of Rockingham came out of the King's closet, Lord Holland was immediately introduced to his Majesty; with whom he continued for some time.—In Lord Bath's pamphlet (Seasonable Hints, edit. 1761, p. 37), of which Mr. Burke says, (Thoughts on Discontents, edit. 1770, p. 23), "there first appeared the idea of separating the Court from the administration," is the following paragraph:

Though the wings of prerogative have been clipt, the influence of the Crown is greater than ever it was in any period of our history. For, when we consider in how many boroughs the Government has the voters at its command; when we consider the extensive influence of the money corporations, subscription jobbers, and contractors; the endless dependence created by the obligations conferred on the bulk of the gentlemens' families throughout the kingdom, who have relations preferred in our navy, and numerous standing army: when, I say, we consider how wide, how binding a dependence on the Crown is created by the above particulars; and the great, the enormous weight and influence which the Crown derives from this extensive dependence upon its favours and power; any lord in waiting, any lord of the bed-chamber, any man, may be appointed Minister."

A doctrine to this effect was the advice which Lord Holland gave his Majesty,