of evil, and even of danger from these measures. Affociations and committees had produced fuch recent effects in America, and even in Ireland, that the very terms were become fufpicious. The friends of government dexterously applied the odium or terror attending these words to all the purposes of which they were capable; and many, who would not venture directly to encounter the popular rage for reformation, or openly to avow that they were the friends of public extravagance or corruption, covered their oppofition by quarrelling with thefe obnoxious incorporations. The counties of Suffolk, Northumberland, Hereford, and Derby, where the oppofite parties, were pretty equally balanced, accordingly appointed no committees. In Kent, where the popular fide was revalent, a moderating scheme was propofed. To this the friends of government, along with those who wifhed for redress, but who were enemies to committees, and did not approve of ftrong language, jointly adhered, and fo far acted as one party. By this means, two petitions for redress were prefented from that county; and while a committee was formed, and the scheme of affociation was fully adopted by the majority, a very numerous and confiderable party, either condemned or oppoted both measures. The members of adminiftration, and men in office, were not wholly deficient in their endeavours to prevent the county meetings. But they were generally overborne by the torrent. Nothing could more clearly demonftrate the impetuofity of the fpirit which then prevailed, than that the noble lord at the head of the admiralty, and at the head likewife, perfonally, of a great body of his numerous friends, could not prevent the measures of a petition and a committee, from being carried in his own native and favourite county; in which he had exerted himself with his known ability in this fort of affairs, and with all the influence of the many great offices he had held for fo many years, to form a fecure and fettled interest. All direct oppo fition being fruitlefs, endeavours were used to obtain protests; but though one or two perfons of great property and confequence took the lead in this measure, it was not attended with a fuccefs at all equal to expectation. Some protests were figned in the counties of Herts, Huntingdon, Norfolk, Suffex, and Surry. These protefts did not oppofe (that indeed could fcarcely be done) the prayer of the petitions; but the protestors were of opinion, that the whole ought to be left to the difcretion of parliament, in whofe public fpirit and integrity they thought it improper to exprefs, particularly at that time, any fort of diftrust. Feb. 8th. The petition from the county of York was the first prefented, and was introduced in the Houfe of Commons by Sir George Saville; who, notwithftanding the preffure of a heavy cold and hoarfenefs, accompanied it with a fpeech of confiderable length. Under these disadvantages, the novelty and importance of the fubject, and perhaps ftill more, the character of that eminent and revered patriot, produced fo profound an attention, filence, and ftillnefs in every part of the house, as served in a great measure meafure to remedy the occafional defect. a He obferved, that he had the honour to represent a very extenfive, a very populous, a very mercantile, manufacturing, and very rich county. That, in fuch a county, it could not be imagin. ed, but that many private interefts might be made objects of parliamentary bounty or support, if either the reprefented, or reprefentatives, like fome others, were more attentive to fuch matters, than to the great concerns of the nation. He had, however, no private petition to prefent, or bill to bring in, although in fuch a country as Yorkshire there could be no lack of proper objects of improvement, of new bridges, roads, and havens, which might well deferve the confideration of the legiflature. He brought a petition, which had swallowed up the confideration of all private objects, and fuperceded all private petitions. A petition fubfcribed by eight thousand freeholders and upwards. The people had heard, that a regard to private intereft, in that houfe, was a great enemy to the difcharge of public duty. They feel feverely the preffure of heavy taxes, and are at the fame time told, that the money, which they can fo ill spare, is wasted profufely, not only without its producing any good, but that it is applied to the production of many bad effects. Thefe things, he faid, were reprefented calmly, and with moderation. Nothing was faid of the conduct of minifters; it might have been good, or it might have been bad, for ought that appeared in the petition. Never furely were petitioners to parliament, upon any great public grievance, more cool and difpaffionate. They confine themfelves, faid he, to one object, the expenditure of the public money. But though, they made no ftrictures on the paft management of minifters, he could not in candour but acknowledge, that it was pretty plainly hinted or implied, that thofe who had hitherto managed our public affairs fo badly, as to afford ground for the prefent complaint, were not fitting to be longer entrusted with the management of fuch important concerns. He called upon the minifter to fpeak out like a man, and to declare, whether he meant to countenance and fupport the petition or not. Such an open and manly declaration of his intentions would fave them much time and trouble, and would better become a man of his quality and power, than any mean arts of minifterial juggling and craft. He made no threats; that petition was not presented by men with fwords and muskets. It was a legal, a conftitutional petition. The request of the petitioners was fo just and reasonable, that they could not but expect it would be granted; but fhould it be refufed-there he would leave a blank; that blank, let the confciences, let the feelings, let the reafon of ministers supply. Partial expedients mock enquiries, would not fatisfy. The univerfality of the fentiments on this fubject, he said, was no contemptible proof of their juftness. wished that house to confider from whom that petition comes. It was first moved in a meeting of fix hundred gentlemen, and upwards; in the hall where that petition was conceived, there was more pro He perty perty than within the walls of that houfe. He then threw down, with fome vehemence, upon the table, a lift of the gentlemen's names, and continued But they are not to abandon their petition, whatever may be its fate in this house; there is a committee appointed to correfpond on the fubject of the petition with the committees of other Counties. He concluded by likewife throwing on the table a lift of the names of the committee. The minifter feemed to fhew fome degree of vexation and refentment in his anfwer. He faid, that the honourable gentleman needed not to have taken fo much pains to convince the house, that the petition ought to be received; nor to have expatiated on fo obvious a truth, as that no man, or fet of men, would dare to reject it. No man in his fenfes, who fat in that house, could be ignorant, that the right of petitioning belonged to all British fubjects. He had been called upon to declare, whether he would oppofe or forward the object of the petition. The petition was now before the houfe; it had been read; and it fhould have his consent to lie on the table. for fome time, as was ufual in fuch cafes, for the perufal of the members. The houfe, he doubted not, would take it into their ferious confideration; and after enquiring into the facts alledged, after examining the merits of the caufe, they would freely and impartially decide, according to the beft of their judgment; and in fuch a manner, as to confult the good of the petitioners, without lofing fight of that of the country in general. A petition properly introduced, would always, he hoped, in that houfe, meet with a fair and candid attention. With refpect to the threats, which, he said, had been broadly hinted by the honourable gentleman, he hoped they could have no influence in that houfe, nor at all affect the minds of the judges, whether on one way or the other. He had been threatened with unknown but fevere confequences, if he fhould fo much as delay granting the expected redress, until an enquiry fhould be made into the exiftence, nature, and extent, of the alledged grievances. Upon that, he muft obferve, that the petition must fuffer no fmall diminution of its fuppofed value, justnefs, and importance, from its being accompanied by a prohibition of all enquiry into the validity of the facts on which it was pretended to be founded. At leaft fufpicions were thrown out, that any enquiry which might be undertaken, would be with finifter and partial views. How far that was fair and candid, how far fuch fuppofitions, in a cafe of that kind, were parliamentary, he fubmitted to the judgment of the house.He concluded by informing the houfe, that they must not confider his proceeding in raifing the neceffary fupplies as any difrefpect to the petition. The petition was neither formally nor virtually negatived, although the confideration of it was not preferred to all other bufinefs. The fupplies had been voted, and it would be neceffary, without much longer delay, to enter on the subject of ways and means. Mr. Fox took up the minister's fpeech, with that fervour, animation, energy, and severity, with which he always aftonishes and overpowers his hearers. He compared his prefent language, that the confideration of the petition might very fitly be poftponed to that of ways and means for raifing the fupplies, with, what he called the generous and magnanimous admiration of miniftry, when they could not find words fufficiently to applaud the fpirited conduct of the armed affociations in Ireland, who refufed to grant fupplies for more than one half year, until their grievances fhould be redreffed, and the prayer of their petition for a free trade fhould be granted. He asked if there was one law for the affociations in Ireland, and another for thofe of England? No! there could not. The noble lord was a man of accuracy and confiftency. He must therefore mean, whatever may have fallen from him in the heat and hurry of debate, that the affociations in England, in imitation of those in Ireland, ought to grant no fupplies, until their petition find a proper refpect; until its prayer be fully granted. After indulging this vein of irony, he faid, that he was at a lofs to conjecture the threats, which the noble lord faid had been hinted by the honourable gentleman; thereby intending to fix a ftigma on the prefent and on other petitions. The people are not in arms, they do not menace civil war. The nature of our conftitution, (and it is undoubt ly one of its highest perfections) has happily endued them with other powers of redrefs befides arms. They have legal, conftitutional, and peaceable means of enforcing their petitions. It was to these means the honourable gentleman alluded, when the noble lord would fuppofe that he threw out threats of another kind. But let not, faid he, the mild, though firm voice of liberty, be mistaken for the difmal and difcordant accents, of blood and flaughter. The evil which the honourable gentleman prefages, if this or other petitions are fpurned with contempt and infolence, is of another, though not of a lefs formidable nature. The people will lofe all confidence in their representatives, all reverence for parliament. The confequences of fuch a fituation need not be pointed out: but let not the contemplation of neceffary effects be confidered as a denunciation of vengance. He could not imagine, he faid, that any objection could poffibly be made to the petition. But fome perhaps might fay, "are we finners above all that went before us, like thofe on whom the Tower of Siloam fell?" Are we more corrupt than other parlia ments, who were never peftered with petitions of this kind? No, faid he, I don't suppose you afe ; but though former parliaments were as bad as you, and you know the feverity of that comparifon, yet the people did not know it. Now they feel it; they feel the preffure of taxes; and they beg you would not lay your hand fo heavily upon them, but be as œconomical as poffible in the expenditure of their money. Let the minifters grant the requests of the people, and the whole glory of fo popular a compliance will be entirely theirs. Like charity, 3 it it will cover the multitude of their paft fins. Ireland has given them a foretaste of what they may expect. Their praises have been founded in loud ftrains there, for granting, what that people had made good for themselves by their own muskets. He would put the controverfy, he said, between the miniftry and his fide of the house to the fame iffue, on which the wifeft of kings and of men refted the determination of the difpute between the two women, each of whom claimed the living, and difavowed the dead child. We fay to miniftry, you mifapply the public money; nay, you do worfe, you apply it to bad purpofes: Miniftry, fay to us, you want our places; and thus the charge of corruption is given and retorted. But the time is now come to put the fincerity of both to the teft, and to know, whofe child corruption really is: we challenge minifters to the trial; we call upon them publickly, and ftrenuously urge them, to facrifice that difclaimed, but evidently dear and favoured child. If they refufe to abide by this teft, no doubt can remain as to the parentage. There was little debate at the times of presenting the other petitions, which followed this leading petition very faft. In two days after a petition from the principal merchants, planters, and others, interested in the ifland of Jamacia, was prefented to the house. In a ftrong and unusually vehement ftyle of complaint, they state the neglect of protection to that ifland, and the imminent dangers therefrom arifing. At the fame time that they reprefent, that the temporary fafety which it had hitherto enjoyed, proceeded merely from the direction of the enemy's force to other objects, and not to any intrinfic means of defence provided by his majesty's minifters, they freely declare their opinion, that the fafety of fuch a poffeffion ought not to have been committed to chance. They farther reprefent, that the island of Jamaica is not inferior in value to any of the dependencies of Great Britain; that a great part even of what appears to be the interior wealth of Great Britain itself, is, in reality, the wealth of Jamaica, which is fo intimately interwoven with the internal intereft of this kingdom, that it is not eafy to diftinguish them; that a great part of the trade and navigation, a large proportion of the revenue, and very much of the mercantile and the national credit, and of the value of the landed intereft, depend immediately on its prefervation; that its defence is therefore an object as important to Great Britain, as any part of Great Britain itself; and that it is an object to be provided for with ftill greater care and forefight, because its natural means of home defence are infinitely less confiderable. The petitioners declare, that, confcious of their invariable loyalty to the crown, and their unbounded attachment to the profperity of the whole empire, they are not able to conjecture for what offence, real or pretended, they have fo long been put under this profcription; if they had been active by factious clamours, or delufive reprefentations, by con cealing |