fents amongst the Tartars, and by artfully fomenting fome divifions which had originated within themfelves, with refpect to the fucceffion, had been able (as we have formerly thewn) to defeat and depole the reigning khân, and to place a creature of her own, although a prince of the royal blood, in poffeffion of the nominal fovereignty; whilst the government was now in effect more dependent upon Ruffia, than it had even formerly been upon the Porte; the dependance being doubly fecured, as well by a predominant faction among the people, as by the difpofition or attachment of the prince. By thefe, and by, other means, the Crimea, with Little Tartary, and the Budziac, were become fcarcely any thing less than provinces to Ruffia; or at leaft, they were as dependent on that empire, as the nature of that fingular people will admit of their being, while they retain any confiderable degree of inherent ftrength.

This conduct, and thefe circumftances, which certainly militated, at least, with the fpirit of the late treaty, could not but give great umbrage to the Porte; and afforded, if not a clear juftification, a tolerable ground of controverfy, with refpect to any flacknefs or non-compliance on her fide, in fulfilling its conditions. But they also afforded caufe of the most ferious concern and alarm. For that peninfula, furrounded as it is by the Black Sea, and the Palus Mootis, and commanding the communication between both, would afford fuch a claim of right to Ruffia, with fuch an intereft in, and such a strength upon those

feas, as nothing could afterwards be capable of oppofing.

The difputes relative to the Greek nominal princes, but in effect governors, of Moldavia and Walachia, though not of a nature fo immediately alarming and dangerous as the foregoing, yet were founded on claims, and on an interference, which tended ultimately to the fame point; to the depreciation of the Ottoman power and government, the narrowing of its European dominion, and the finally throwing every thing on that fide of the Danube into the hands of Ruffia. The attachment which the Greek Chriftians, who inhabit these provinces, had fhewn to Ruffia in the late war, had, along with other motives, induced her to obtain very confiderable conceffions in their favour at the conclufion of the peace. The effect of the partial advantages granted to these two provinces was foon apparent, by the emigration of Chriftian inhabitants, from thofe on the other fide of the Danube which it naturally occafioned; who, as well as the natives, looked up to another power, than that to which they avowed allegiance, for favour and protection. In order to fecure their independence on the Porte, Ruffia made a demand, that thofe princes fhould not be depofed or punished, (misfortunes to which they were particularly liable) on any pretence or account whatever.

In fo unhappy a ftate of weaknefs and diforder was that vaft and unweildy empire, that it might be a queftion of doubt, whether to admire the fpirit, or to con

demn

war.

The

demn the rafhnefs, which induced the apparent refolution and vigour, with which the prepared for The ill fuccefs of the late war, had drawn out and exhibited in their utmost magnitude thofe enormous diforders, which had for fo many years been acquiring growth, under a weak and wretched fyftem of government. diftant provinces were fill torn to pieces by faction and diffention; and the officers of the ftate, as well as the great men of the refpective countries, were ftill, in many inftances, too powerful to be governed. To crown the calamity, the plague had in the preceding year made fuch horrible ravages in Conftantinople, as had not been before known in that capital, (to which it is fo frequent a vifitor) fince its firft acquifition by the Ottomans. It was computed that above 160,000 perfons perished by that dreadful diforder, within the metropolis and its en

virons.

On the other hand, though Ruffia was confcious of the advantages acquired by the late treaty, fhe was far from defirous of war. That war, amidst its great and fplendid fucceffes, had difcovered fome fymptoms of internal weaknefs. The rebellion of Pugatfcheff, was a fit which laid open fome defect in the conftitution. Befides, Ruffia probably could never hope, with the confent of other powers, to obtain advantages equal to the victories fhe might hereafter purchase as dearly as the had done thofe of the preceding war. By which, along with her laurels, fhe brought the plague into a country exhaufted of men and treafure. The emprefs was

therefore very willing to receive any mediation, confiftent with her dignity, which in all events she was refolved not to facrifice. France had the addrefs to avail herself of this fituation. The French minister was again, the friendly mediator, and the fucceffful negociator in bringing about an accommodation. And his merits and fervices were again honoured and rewarded, with fimilar expreflions of gratitude, and with fimilar marks of favour from both fides.

It was, in the firft inftance more especially, a matter of no fmall general aftonishment, that Great Britain, which had been fo long and fo clofely united, in the ftric eft bands of friendship, and apparent political communion of views and interefts, with Ruffia, and which had even gone fome extraordinary length in the late war in her favour, fhould not have undertaken the friendly office of mediator; by which means fhe would likewife have had an opportunity of wearing off that, not unfounded, jealoufy, which the Porte could not but entertain of her late conduct. On the other hand, a frong jealoufy had for feveral years fubfitted between France and Ruffia; and their political interefts and regards fo much clashed with respect to that war, that all the world knew, it was in a good meafure the apprehenfion of England, which prevented the house of Bourbon from taking a decided part against the latter, upon her fending a fleet to the Mediterra

nean.

Whether it was that we were too feeble in the Mediterranean to appear with any luftre in fuch a negociation,

great fervices. Mr. De Sartine, was not a man of rank; but he had the merit of following up, with extraordinary fpirit and diligence, the plan of increafing the marine, which had been adopted in the late reign; but more languidly purfued on account of the ill ftate of the revenue. But the prefent king took a ftill ftronger ftep in the regulation of that important object. Louis the XVI. had the magnanimity, to place Mr. Necker, a foreign gentleman, and a protestant, at the head of his finances. The fuccefs and reward, were equal to the liberality and wisdom of the measure. France recovered her public credit. The people of France, for the firft time, had the fatisfaction of seeing a war carried on by facrifices on the part of the king, and with an attention to the eafe and relief of the people. This measure could not fail to encourage and promote their confidence in government; and muft prove a fource of ftrength, which that great monarchy never poffeffed before. The virtues of a republican ftate were profeffed, and in fome measure practifed.

France opened the year by a fuccefsful expedition to the coaft of Africa. The fquadron employed upon this service was commanded by the Marquis de Vaudrevil, and a land force, much greater than was neceffary, (but both taking Africa only in their way to reinforce D'Estaing in the Weft Indies) was commanded by the Duke de Lauzun. As the garrifons in that quarter were totally incapable of making any refiftance, the British forts, fettlements, facto ries, and property, at Senegal, in the river Gambia, and other parts

of that coaft, fell without trouble into the hands of the enemy, between the latter end of January, and that of February, 1779. The French upon that fuccefs, abandoned the island of Goree, which they had recovered by the late peace; and tranfported the artillery and garrifon to ftrengthen Senegal. Sir Edward Hughes foon afterwards, on his paffage to the Eaft Indies, feized and garrifoned the island of Goree; and as he had a body of troops on board the fquadron, it was eagerly expected and hoped by the public at home, that he would have recovered those fettlements which we had so newly loft. But as no attempt of that fort was made, it must be concluded that officer's orders did not extend fo far. It was perhaps an object not fo important as to rifque upon it the much greater objects which were then in view.

As the fummer advanced it was thought neceffary in France to attempt fomething, which might fhew an early alacrity in fome fort correfpondent to their great military preparations. The firft was an attempt on the ifle of Jerfey, part of the ancient dutchy of Normandy. This, with Guernsey and the leffer iflands, being the fole remains of our vaft poffeffions on the continent of Europe.

The defign was laid by a prince, or count of Naffau; whofe anceftor, if we are not misinformed, had rendered a very difputed claim, of being in fome manner descended from a defunct branch of that illuftrious family, the means of much furthering his fortunes in France. The force employed upon this fervice has been eftimated, by different accounts, from three,

to

to five or fix thousand men. They appeared in fight of the May ift, ifland, in about fifty flat1779 bottomed boats, under the convoy of five frigates and fome armed cutters, early in the morning, and attempted a debarkation in St. Ouen's Bay. But they were fo warmly and vigorously received, by the 78th regiment, and by the militia of the island, that after a faint, fpiritlefs, and ill fupported attempt, they relinquifhed the enterprize, with very little lofs on either fide.

1

Trifling and ineffective as this diverfion was, it had the fortune of being productive of fome confequences, with refpect to the American war. For it happened that Admiral Arbuthnot, with a fquadron of men of war, and a prodigious convoy, amounting to about four hundred merchantmen and tranfports, was then on the outfet of his voyage to New York. He happened to fall in with the veffel which was fent exprefs from Jerfey to England, with the first account of the attack upon, and the apparent imminent danger of the island. That commander had spirit and refolution enough, rather to hazard any perfonal confequence that might attend his venturing upon a breach of orders, than to fuffer the lofs of fo valuable an ifland, whilft he commanded a force in the channel. He accordingly ordered the convoy to wait for him at Torbay, and proceeded himself with the fquadron, to the relief of Jerfey. Although the delay immediately occafioned by this meafure, was in the firft inftance but trifling, yet through the fucceeding cafualties of wind and weather, the fleet was not able o get

clear of the land of England, until the beginning of the ensuing month, and did not arrive at New York till near the end of Auguft. As that fleet conveyed the reinforcements, camp equipage, ftores, and other neceffaries, which were to enable Sir Henry Clinton to open the campaign with any vigour, the confequences of fo late an arrival are fufficiently obvious.

Notwithstanding the repulfe and difappointment which attended the late attempt upon Jerfey, the defign did not, however, feem to be relinquifhed. The French troops were landed and retained for feveral days on the fmall islands which lie between it and the continent; while the armed veffels paraded on the oppofite coafts of Normandy. The fpirit, activity, and gallantry of Sir James Wallace, in the Experiment of 50 guns, being feconded by two frigates, and as many armed brigs, by which he was accompanied, put an end to this appearance of threat, and ftate of alarm. That officer having purfued feveral large frigates, with fome fmaller craft, into the bay of Concalle in Normandy, until they had run afhore under the cover of a battery, and his pilots not venturing to take any farther charge of his fhip, he directly took that charge and rifque upon himself, and boldly carried her up the bay, and layed May 13th. her afhore abreast of the battery. In that fituation he continued ta engage, until he had filenced the guns of the battery, and compelled the French crews to abandon their fhips; which being then boarded by the armed boats from the Experiment and Cabot brig, the La Danae, of 34 guns, and rated at