auris, a common metaphor; cp. Hor. Od. iii. 2. 20 arbitrio popularis aurae ('the people's veering will,' Con.); aura favoris popularis Liv. xxii. 26; ventus popularis Cic. Cluent. 47. 130. The character here ascribed to Ancus is unnoticed by Livy and Dionysius: but there was a tradition that, being jealous of Tullus, he courted popularity in the hope of destroying him.

817, 818. Tarquinios perhaps includes Servius Tullius, who otherwise is not mentioned. receptos, 'recovered' by the people from the kings; the fasces being the symbol of authority.

819. Cp. Lucr. iii. 1009 petere a populo fasces saevasque secures.

822, 823. 'Unhappy sire! howe'er posterity may view that deed, his love for Rome, his boundless thirst for fame, shall prevail '—i. e. he will run the risk of being called cruel by posterity, so long as they are forced to acknowledge his patriotism and greatness.

824, 825. Three Decii fell as consuls in battle-the father against the Latins, 340 B. C.; the son against the Samnites, 295 B3. C.; the grandson against Pyrrhus, 279 B. C. (Liv. viii. 9, x. 28; Cic. Tusc. i. 37. 89). The only famous Drusus was M. Drusus Livius Salinator, the conqueror of Hasdrubal at the Metaurus: but the family are mentioned in compliment to Livia Drusilla, wife of Augustus. Torquatus executed his son for disobedience to military orders (Liv. viii. 7). signa, i. e. ‘standards' captured by the Gauls at the Allia.

820 sqq. The reference is to the civil wars between Caesar (socer, 1. 830) and Pompey, who married his daughter Julia. They appear paribus armis as both Roman generals; but only concordes so long as they are kept in the darkness of the lower world (nocte premuntur). fulgĕre, the older form of the verb, found in Lucretius.

829-831. aggeribus, 'from Alpine heights and fortress of Monoecus' (now Monaco). It is not known that Caesar entered Italy by this way; but Virgil is a poet, not a historian. adversis instructus Eois, ' meeting him in fight with Eastern arms' (i. e. troops from Greece and Asia).

833. For the alliteration cp. ii. 494 fit via vi.

་

834. The more illustrious can better afford to forgive' (Con.).

830-840. The first 111e is Mummius, the destroyer of Corinth, 146 B. C. ; the second, L. Aemilius Paullus, the conqueror of Macedonia. Aencides is Perseus, who was defeated by Paullus at Pydna, B. C. 168, and who was said to be a descendant of Achilles. Neither Mummius nor Paullus destroyed Argos and Mycenae: but 'Virgil blends all the Greek victories confusedly together for the purpose of his poem' (Kenn.), as being vengeance for the fall of Troy, carried out by its Roman descendants.

841. tnoitum, unsung,' in its original participial use; cp. Cic. Fam. iii. 8. 2 prima duo capita epistolae tuae tacita mihi quodammodo relinquenda sunt. M. Porcius Cato, Censor' 184 R. C. A. Cornelius Cossus gained the second spolia opima in 426 B. C. (Liv. iv. 29); the first being

accredited to Romulus (ib. i. 10), and the third and last to M. Claudius Marcellus (1. 855 below).

842, 843. Gracchi genus perhaps includes, besides the two famous tribunes, Tiberius and Caius (died 133 and 121 B. C.), Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus, twice consul during the Second Punic War. The father of 'the Gracchi' earned a triumph for victory over the Celtiberi, 178 B. C. Scipiadas, a hybrid word employed for metrical reasons by Virgil (cp. Georg. ii. 170) and Lucretius, and perhaps by Ennius before them, Scipiones being unmanageable in heroic verse. The Scipios here meant are the two 'Africani,' the conqueror at Zama, 202 B. C., and the destroyer of Carthage, 146 B. C. Lucretius (iii. 1034) calls Scipio belli fulmen, Carthaginis horror; and Cicero (Balb. 34) speaks even of Cn. and P. Scipio, who fell in Spain, as duo fulmina nostri imperii, showing that the image had become associated with the name. Munro on Lucr. I. c. supposes that the Scipios may have referred their name to the idea of 'hurling,' etc. in connection with σkýτ and kindred words, rather than to the more homely staff' (σκήπτρον).

B. C.

844. Fabricius, 'rich in poverty,' rejected the bribes of Pyrrhus, 278 For potentem opulentum cp. Hor. Od. ii. 18. 12 nec potentem amicum Largiora flagito. Serranus, a cognomen of C. Atilius Regulus, consul 257 B. C. Most authors say that he received the name because he was engaged in sowing when the news of his elevation to the consulship was brought to him. Virgil appears to adopt this view (Serrane, serentem). But the story bears a suspicious resemblance to that of Cincinnatus (Liv. iii, 26); and as the name occurs on coins in the form Saranus, some derive it from Saranum, a town in Umbria.

845, 846. fessum, i. e. with enumerating so many heroes. Maximus was a cognomen of the Fabia Gens, first borne, according to Livy (ix. 46), by Q. Fabius, a general in the Samnite war, 303 B. C. The one here referred to is the celebrated Q. Fabius Maximus Cunctator (dictator 217 B. C.), who wore out Hannibal by his cautious tactics. Cic. Off. i. 24. 84 preserves the line of Ennius, Unus homo nobis cunctando restituit rem.

847-853. 'Others, I ween, shall mould with softer grace the breathing bronze, and call from stone the living face; more skilful they to plead a cause, to mete out the paths of heaven and tell the rising of the stars. Thine, Roman, be the task to rule the nations with thy sway: these shall be thine arts-to impose the laws of peace, to spare the humbled, and to crush the proud.' The contrast throughout is between Rome great in war and policy, and Greece, mother of arts and songs.' Even in oratory, the form of literature in which the Romans most excelled, Virgil gives the palm to Greece, in order to emphasize more clearly the fact that the real strength of Rome lay in the work of government. ducere, of moulding and fashioning, as vii. 634 ocreas lento ducunt argento. radio, the rod with which geometricians drew figures on the abacus. For pacis most MSS. give

paci, 'impose law on peace,' i. e. curb the licence of peace by establishing institutions. But this would be a most unusual expression, and pacis is recognised by Servius, and further confirmed by xii. 112 pacis dicere leges.

855. M. Claudius Marcellus, consul 222 B. C., won the third spolia opima by killing the chief of the Insubrian Gauls. Later on he fought against Hannibal in the Punic war with varying success, but was eventually defeated by him. He is mentioned for the sake of his namesake and descendant.

857-859. tumultu, the word, as Cic. Phil. viii. § 3 explains, denoted something more serious than bellum, and was applied technically to any rising in Italy itself, or in Gaul. Here it has its technical sense. sistet, 'shall uphold' (¿plwo‹‹). eques, Marcellus won the spolia opima in a cavalry fight, and (says Anchises) will dedicate them to Quirinus (Romulus) as their first winner. Romulus and Cossus dedicated theirs to Jupiter Feretrius (Liv. i. 10, iv. 20); and Prop. v. 10. 45 (a poem on the title 'Feretrius') says, Nunc spolia in templo tria condita; but we need not bind Virgil to close consistency in a traditional matter of this kind.

860 sqq. The egregius forma iuvenis here celebrated is M. Marcellus, son of Augustus' sister Octavia, married B. C. 25, at the age of eighteen, to the emperor's daughter Julia, and destined for his heir, but cut off by disease two years later, B. C. 23.

865. 'What murmur of his comrades round! how grand a mien is his !' instar, ἅπαξ λεγόμενον in this sense.

871. propria; 'lasting;' cp. Ecl. vii. 31 si proprium hoc fuerit.

872-874. ille suggests the well-known title Martius.' 'What groans of men shall Mars' plain send up to Mars' mighty town I what funeral trains shall Tiber see as he glideth past the new-made tomb!'-i. e. the mausoleum erected by Augustus in the Campus Martius five years before.

876. spe tollet, 'raise high in hope,' 'inspire with such high hopes.' Kenn. takes spe as gen., like die G. i. 208; but no other instance occurs. 878. prisca fides, 'the honour of old days.'

879. tulisset, i. e. si vixisset.

882-885. O child so mourned! if ever thou canst break the cruel bonds of fate, Marcellus thou shalt be. Bring lilies in handfuls; let me strew bright flowers, with these at least to grace my descendant's shade, and pay him unavailing honour.' date and spargam (jussive) are independent of one another. In iv. 683 date vulnera lymphis Abluam (a passage somewhat parallel to the present in rhythm and language) date abluam are better taken together, 'grant me to wash.' Some editors propose to take the present passage in the same way, making spargam depend on date, and regarding flores as in apposition to lilia. But there is no reason to suppose that the construction is identical in both cases, and in the passage before us the clauses run more smoothly if regarded as independent.

887. aëris campis, ' fields of mist,' 'shadowy plains.'

892. Repeated from iii. 459, where it is said that the Sibyl will tell Aencas

of his fortunes in Italy. Here this task is performed by Anchises-a slight inconsistency which Virgil would probably have removed, if he had lived to complete the work.

803 sqq. From Homer, Od. xix. 562 sqq. Aoral yáp te wúdai dμevnvâv εἰσὶν ὀνείρων κ.τ.λ. The adoption of this idea enables Virgil to avoid making Aeneas return to earth by the same road, and to bring him back, as it were suddenly and mysteriously, without further description. Homer's distinction is between truthful (oï ¿'ěтvμa kpaívovor) and lying dreams (été' åkpáаvтa pépovτes); Virgil's between verae umbrae, 'real spirits' that appear in sleep, and falsa insomnia, ‘delusive dreams.' His object probably is to reproduce Homer with a slight poetical variety, rather than to imply any definite doctrine about spirits and dreams.

895. perfecta with nitens, adverbially; ‘gleaming with the polish of dazzling ivory' (Con.).

900. recto litore, 'straight along the shore;' cp. recto flumine viii. 57. Limite, from some later MSS., is adopted by Heyne to avoid repetition of litore in 1. 901: but as the best MSS. are unanimous in favour of litore, it is probably correct, the repetition being due to carelessness.

NOTES TO BOOK VII.

WITH BOOK VII opens the second and (as far as the scheme of the poem is concerned) principal portion of the story, the fulfilment by Aeneas of his mission to conquer and civilise the rude tribes of Italy (see Introd. to Book I): the 'Iliad of war' succeeding the 'Odyssey of travel.' Aeneas reaches Italy and anchors in the Tiber (11. 1–36); we are introduced to Latinus, king of Latium, his city Laurentum, and his daughter Lavinia, with the omens preparing him to seek a foreign alliance for her, instead of accepting Turnus, her native suitor. The Trojans fulfil the predictions of the Harpy and Helenus (iii. 253 sqq., 388 sqq.), found a city, and send an embassy to Latinus (11. 107-285): but the wrath of Juno interposes (as before, in Book I) to prevent a peaceful settlement. At her instigation Allecto excites Amata, the queen, who favours Turnus as her daughter's suitor; and Amata excites the Latin women (11. 286-405). Allecto then inspires Turnus with martial rage, and after provoking a broil between Trojans and Latins is dismissed by Juno, who carries on the work herself (11. 406–571). Amata and the women press Latinus to declare war (11. 572-640): and the book ends with a catalogue of the forces which come to the aid of Turnus. This catalogue, says Prof. Nettleship,' is not merely a piece of artistic workmanship, intended to exhibit the rhetorical skill of Virgil. It is a tribute to the greatness of Italy in her early days; to the land which even of old was the mother of armies and of heroic leaders (vii. 643). Considered from this point of view, this episode is singularly in place.'

The idea of the primitive semibarbarous condition of Italy and its people already hinted at (i. 263, v. 730) is borne out by the conception which Virgil puts before us of their leading spirits, especially Turnus, who is throughout Books VII-XII the foil and contrast to Aeneas. Though a gallant soldier, he is impulsive, arrogant, and insolent; and Virgil reserves for him alone the characteristic violentia (x. 151, xi. 354, 376, xii. 9, 45). This keynote of his character is struck in the first words attributed to him, his answer to Allecto disguised as an old woman, and therefore with claims at least to respect from a young man and it is struck again and again as the story proceeds (e. g. ix. 57, 72, 128 sqq., x. 442, xi. 376 sqq., 459, and xii. passim). His chosen allies and associates, too, are chiefs like Mezentius, the contemptor divum, whose effera vis animi (x. 198) is parallel to