Throne-Arrival of Napoleon at Rochefort-Retrospect of the Epochs of the Wars of the
His Indecision fatal to him-Surrenders to
Captain Maitland on board the Bellerophon
Man-of-war-Brought to England - Impres-
sion made by his Presence off the Coast-Reso-
lution of the British Government to send him
to St. Helena-His Protest-Deportation-
Character

HISTORY OF THE WARS

OF THE

FRENCH REVOLUTION.

BOOK IV.

CONTINUED.

1807.

CHAPTER III.

BRITISH HISTORY: Meeting of Parliament-Debates on the late Negotiation with France-Financial Statements-Lord Henry Petty's Plan of Finance-Bill for the better Regulation of Courts of Justice in Scoand-Mr. Whitbread's Plan for reforming the Poor Laws, and amending the Condition of the Poor-Total Abolition of the Slave-trade-Catholic Bill-Change of Ministry consequent thereon -NewAdministration-General Election.

Yet, in this situation, his majesty did not hesitate to adopt, without delay, such measures as were calculated to unite their councils and interests against the common enemy. The speech extolled the good

concluded with a solemn appeal to the bravery and public spirit of his people. The address on his majesty's speech, which was moved in the house of lords by the Earl of Jersey, and seconded by Lord Somers; and in the house of commons by the Hon. Mr. Lambe, and seconded by Mr. John Smyth, called forth a number of observations from Lord Hawkesbury and Mr. Canning, but was passed in both houses without a division.

THE fist session of the third parliament of the Unted Kingdom, assembled on the 15th of Dcember, 1806, and was opened by commision in his majesty's name. The office of speaker again devolved by unanimous hoice upon the Right Honour-faith of his majesty's remaining allies; and able Charle Abbot, and the interval between the 1th and 19th of December was occupied in dministering the usual oaths to the members. On Friday the 19th, his majesty's spech was read by the lord chancellor. The object of the speech was to prepare the ation for the awful crisis then impending and to animate them to adequate exertias against the formidable and increasing pwer of the enemy. His majesty acquaintd his parliament, that his efforts for the resoration of general tranquillity, on terms onsistent with the interest and honour of hr people, and good faith to his allies, had ben disappointed by the ambition and injustie of the enemy, who in the same moment ad kindled up a fresh war in Europe, of whch the progress had been attended with th most calamitous events. Prussia, thretened by the near approach of that dange, which she had vainly hoped to avert by many sacrifices, was at length compelled adopt the resolution of openly resisting he unremitting system of aggrandizement and conquest pursued by France; but neiher this determination, nor the succeeding measures of hostility, were previously cocerted with his majesty; nor had any dispsition been shown to offer an adequate satifaction for those aggressions which had faced this country in a state of hostility with Prussia.

On Monday, the 22d of December, the unanimous thanks of both houses of parliament were voted to Major-general Sir Johr Stuart, and also to the Hon. Brigadier-generals Cole and Auckland, for the distinguished ability and valour manifested by them in the signal victory obtained over the French troops at Maida, on the 4th of July, 1806, and to the officers under their command; as well as to the non-commissioned officers and private soldiers serving under the same, for their bravery and good conduct in the glorious battle of Maida.

On the 2d of January, the subject of the late negotiation with France for the restotion of a general peace, was brought under the consideration of the house of lords. The discussion was introduced by the prime minister, Lord Grenville, in a speech of considerable length, the leading points

“That an humble address be presented to his majesty, to assure him that this house has taken into its serious consideration the papers relative to the late negotiation, which he has been graciously pleased to lay before them, and that they see with gratitude, that he has employed every means to restore the blessings of peace, in a maniner consistent with the interest and glory of his people, and at the same time with an observance of that good faith with our allies which this country is bound to maintain inviolate: That while we lament that, by the unbounded ambition of the enemy, those laudable endeavours have been frustrated, no exertions shall be wanting on our part to support and assist his majesty in the adoption of such measures as may be found necessary, either for the restoration of peace, or to meet the various exigencies of the war in this most important crisis.'

of which were embraced in the following loss which the public have sustained is motion: irresistibly forced upon my recollection. But, if any thing could support and encourage me in the discharge of the duty now imposed upon me, it is the knowledge I possess of the principles and op nions which Mr. Fox held upon this subject. In the last conversation I held with that great statesman, which was on the 7th of September, the Sunday before his death, three great cardinal points were insisted upon by him. 1st. The security of our honour, in which Hanover was concerned. 2d. Fidelity to our Russian connexion. 3d. Sicily. The grounds on which the negotiations broke off, were in direct conformity with these opinions. On this occasion, he told me, that the ardent wishes of his mind were to consummate, before he died, two great works on which he had set his heart; and these were, the restoration of a solid and honourable peace, and the abolitior of the slave-trade." The noble lord then proceeded to give a clear and detailed statement of the whole transaction concerning the negotiation, for the purpose of showing, that, on the one hand, the ionour of the crown and the interests of the country were not compromised by any unworthy concessions; and, on the other, that no means were left unemployed, to obtain such a peace as might be consistent with the honour, the interests, aid the prosperity of this nation. With this view, he showed, first, that the overture for peace originated with France; next, that the basis agreed upon for onducting the negotiation was that of acual possession; and, lastly, that owing to the tergiversa tion and ambitious views of the French government, no terms culd be procured that were consistent with the interests of Europe and the maintenance of inviolable good faith towards our allies. Having, as he hoped, establish these points, his lordship concluded by moving an address similar to that move in the other house of parliament by Lod Grenville.

Lord Hawkesbury and Lord Eldon expressed their complete concurrence in the leading points of the address, but their lordships contended, that there was nothing in the whole of the papers laid upon the table, that proved that the French government, from the commencement of the negotiation to its close, had agreed to proceed on the basis of the uti possidetis-the state of actual possession; yet they most heartily acquiesced in the general result of the negotiation, and with this exception, joined in the address, which was carried nemine contradicente.

On the 5th of January, the same subject was brought under discussion in the house of commons, on the motion of Lord Howick, when his lordship said :-"In rising to perform the duty that now devolves upon me, I cannot but feel deep regret-a deep and poignant regret, at the failure of an effort, on our part made with sincerity, and pursued with good faith, to put an end to the war upon terms advantageous to this country, and to all Europe; a regret, in any circumstances justifiable and becoming; but at present, aggravated by the events which have lately occurred upon the continent, and which seem to render the attainment of that object more difficult and more distant than ever. But, besides these subjects of regret and of sorrow, I feel myself affected by painful emotions of a more private and personal nature. It is impossible for me to forget by whom, had it so pleased God, this important business would have been opened to this house. I cannot therefore present myself to your notice on this occasion, without being reminded of the infinite loss I have personally sustained, in being deprived of my friend, of my instructor, without whom I should have felt no confidence in myself; and in reflecting upon the worth and the talents of Mr. Fox, the

Lord Yarmouth aid, that in the communications he had held with M. Talleyrand, that ministe distinctly admitted that the basis of the egotiation should be the principle of actal possession, and his lordship was wal assured, that had it not been for the meancholy event of the death of Mr. Fox, neobjection would have been started agains that principle by the French government.

Mr. Montgue thought that the negotiation was ojectionable, both in its commencemen and prosecution. The French minister lad, he conceived, taken Mr. Fox on the wak side, and by impressing him

with the notion that he was ready to treat Whitbread), whose consistency he admiron the basis of the uti possidetis, had "du-ed, though he differed from him widely in ped and bamboozled him." his conclusions. Adverting to the three points insisted upon in Lord Howick's speech, he said, he was now perfectly satisfied that the first overture for negotiation came from France; with respect to the uti possidetis, the more he considered the subject, the more he was convinced that the papers on the table did not make out the charge against the enemy-that he opened the negotiation on that basis, and that he afterwards departed from it; and though he derived great satisfaction from observing the good faith which government had preserved towards our allies, yet he did not think that a concert so perfect in principle had been acted upon, either towards Russia or Prussia, as the nature of our relations with those powers would have entitled us fairly to pursue.

Mr. Whitbread, after making some remarks on the extraordinary speech of Mr. Montague, proceeded to observe, that he could not, without experiencing the bitterest anguish, express his sentiments on this negotiation, commenced by one sincere friend, and conducted by others for whom he felt the greatest esteem. When he read the documents which were lying on the table of the house, and perused them most attentively, he found in them parts of which he highly approved, and others of which he greatly disapproved. All that part which preceded the political death, as it had been called, of that illustrious man, Mr. Fox, claimed his approbation and support; but when death closed the career of his ever-tobe-lamented friend, he saw, between the beginning and the end of the negotiations, ob- Mr. Perceval, from a review of all the vious characters which distinguished them. circumstances connected with the negotiaAdverting to the unfortunate words, uti pos- tion, concluded, that the enemy were never sidetis, he said that the real ground of the ne- seriously desirous of peace, and that mingotiation in the first instance was the stipu-isters were the dupes of the artifice of the lation of honourable terms for both nations and for their allies ;* and next, that Russia should be admitted to the negotiation conjointly with this country. He considered it unfortunate that the noble lord (Lauderdale) should have been sent over to Paris with the abstract basis of uti possidetis, and likewise that it should have been so peremp-to the negotiations, and declared his firm torily demanded. On the whole, he was of opinion, that all the time which elapsed in the discussion of the abstract terms was completely wasted, particularly when the general ground had been already well explained and fully understood, namely, mutual exchange and compensation for ces- Lord Howick observed, that some hosions. He did not think that we were jus-nourable gentlemen blamed his majesty's tified in saying that the negotiation had wholly failed in consequence of the injustice and ambition of France, and it was still his opinion that peace was attainable. Under the influence of these impressions, he moved an amendment to the address:

To assure his majesty of our firm determination to co-operate with his majesty in calling forth the resources of the united kingdom, for the vigo rous prosecution of the war in which we are involved, and to pray his majesty, that he will, in his paternal goodness, afford, as far as is consistent with his own honour, and the interests of his people, every facility to any just arrangement by which the blessings of peace may be restored to his loyal subjects."

French government. He lamented that a man of Mr. Fox's great talents and incorruptible mind, had been betrayed into a private and confidential correspondence with such a man as the friend to whom he was attached,* Talleyrand. He blamed ministers for not having sooner put an end

conviction, that no peace could take place with France, at least, such a peace as would be worthy of the acceptance of this country, so long as the force and councils of the enemy were directed by two such men as Bonaparte and Talleyrand.

ministers for having done too much in the way of negotiation, while his honourable friend and relation, Mr. Whitbread, censured them for doing too little. But he thought it was not a little in their favour that they had steered a middle course between the two extremes. In this opinion, the house seemed to concur, and Mr. Whitbread having withdrawn his amendment, the address was put and carried without a

division.

On the 29th of January, Lord Henry Petty, the chancellor of the exchequer, brought forward a statement of the supplies and the ways and means for the year, Mr. Canning expressed his surprise that combined with a permanent plan of finance, no attempt was made by any of his ma- which had for its object to provide the jesty's ministers to answer the observa- means of maintaining the honour and inde tion of the honourable gentleman (Mr.pendence of the British empire, during the

*Mr. Fox's Letter to M. Talleyrand, dated *See Mr. Fox's Letter to M. Talleyrand, vol. i. March 25th, 1806.-Book iii. chap. viii. p. 558.

page 558,

necessary continuance of the war, without | of April next after the ratification of a deperceptibly increasing the burthens of the finitive treaty of peace. country, and with manifest benefit to the interest of the public creditor. The total amount of the supplies for the year 1807, he stated, at 40,527,065/. 11s. 8d. and the ways and means at 41,100,000/.

In the result therefore of the whole measure, there would not be imposed any new taxes for the first three years from this time. New taxes of less than 300,000/. on an average of seven years, from 1810 to 1816, both inclusive, were all that would be necessary, in order to procure for the country the full benefit and advantage of the plan here described, which would continue for twenty years; during the last ten of which again, no new taxes whatever would be required.

benefit consists in the impression which it must make, both in this country and out of it, where it will be seen, that, without any further material pressure on the resources of the country, and by'a perseve

ment now finds itself enabled to meet with confidence all the exigencies of the present war, to whatever period its continuance may be necessary, for maintaining the honour and independence of the empire.

The favourable impression made by the new method of supply (which was ultimately agreed to by the house) was immediately obvious upon the funds, which advanced very considerably, and gave the minister an opportunity of negotiating a loan, on terms highly advantageous to the public, and yet by no means unproductive to the contractors.

The new plan of finance was adapted to meet a scale of expenditure nearly equal to that of the year 1806; and assumed, that, during the war, the annual produce of the permanent and temporary revenues would continue equal to the produce of that year. Keeping these premises in view, it was proposed that the war loans for the years "Important as are the advantages which 1807, 1808, and 1809, should be twelve this plan presents," continued the chanmillions annually; for the year 1810 four-cellor of the exchequer, "its principal teen millions; and for each of the ten following years sixteen millions. Those several loans, amounting in the fourteen years to two hundred and ten millions, were to be made a charge on the war taxes, which were estimated to produce twenty-rance only in its wonted exertions, parliaone millions annually. The charge thus thrown on the war taxes was meant to be at the rate of ten per cent. upon each loan. Every such loan would therefore pledge so much of the war taxes as would be sufficient to meet this charge: that is, a loan of twelve millions would be pledged for 1,200,000l. of the war taxes. In each year, if the war should be continued, a further proportion of the war taxes would in the same manner be pledged; consequently, at the end of fourteen years, if the war should be of that duration, twenty-one millions, the whole produce of the war taxes, would be pledged for the total of the loans, which would at that time have amounted to two hundred and ten millions. The ten per cent. charge thus accompanying each loan, would be applied to pay the interest of the loan, and to form a sinking fund, which sinking fund would evidently be more than five per cent. on such of the several loans as should be obtained on a less rate of interest than five per cent. As a five per cent. sinking fund, accumulating at compound interest, would redeem any sum of capital debt in fourteen years, the several proportions of Here. Revenue, the war taxes, proposed to be pledged for the several loans above mentioned, would have redeemed their respective loans, and be successively liberated, in periods of fourteen years from the date of each such loan. The portions of war taxes thus liberated, might, if the war should still be prolonged, become applicable in a revolving series, and might be again pledged for new loans: it was, however, material, that the property tax should not be pledged beyond the period for which it was granted, but should, in every case, cease on the 6th

*

*FINANCES.+

PUBLIC INCOME of Great Britain for the Year ending the 5th of January, 1806.

Gross Receipts. Paid into the Excheq. 8. d. £ 8. d. 9,104,799 4 14 17,833,226 15 61 4,194,285 12 101

Branches of Revenue. £
Customs,
Excise,
Land and Assess-
Stamps,

ed Taxes,
Post Office,
Miscella. Perma-
nent Tax,
Extr.Resources

7,192,889 15 114 16,352,885 10 101

4,123,527 3 2

6,261,778 19 44 1,237,004 19 10

146,072 1 14 157,373 11 10

6,106,920 10 10
1,446,073 4 6

150,469 7 9
122,723 19 2

Customs,
Excise,
Prop.Tax,

2,659,229 15 9 6,406,870 17 71

2,632,147 19 101

6,360,229 13 91

4,546,883 10 10

4,426,986 19 7A

2,470,288 6 84

2,448,149 0 31

Miscel. Income,

Loans, inclufor the service

ding 1,450,000/

of

Ireland,

Grand Total, £80,172,176 5 31 £76,469,450 15 41 Whitehall, Treasury Cham- (Signed) bers, 22d of March, 1806. N. VANSITTART.

+ This Return, which, owing to a delay in the arrival of the parliamentary documents, was omitted in its proper place, is introduced here to preserve the series.